Browsing by Subject "politics"

Now showing 1 - 20 of 22
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    China in Africa
    (2013) Anthony, Ross
    This two-lecture course will consider the political rationale behind Sino-African relations and some of the actors and institutions which drive the political agenda, and will also explore aspects of the economic dimension.Since the late 1990s, driven by China’s ‘go out’ policy, Sino-African trade has experienced unprecedented growth. For anyone interested in learning more about China's role in Africa's economy and politics.
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    Determining the necessity of a footbridge in Statice Heights
    (2011-10) UCT Knowledge Co-op
    The research stemmed from a request from The Women's Circle (TWC), an NGO that works in Statice Heights and other areas. TWC's aim is to encourage and assist people in finding solutions to the challenges they face in their context. In this particular case TWC requested assistance in motivating for the building of a footbridge, by the City of Cape Town, across the canal in a location currently used to access services in Bridgetown. TWC argue that the current infrastructure is inadequate.
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    Govan Mbeki and the place of ideas in the national liberation struggle
    (2013) Bundy, Colin
    The mode of an 'organic intellectual' wrote Antonio Gramsci, who formulated the concept, consists not in mere eloquence, but 'in active participation in practical life, as constructor, organiser, ""permanent persuader”…’. Govan Mbeki was distinctive within the leadership of the ANC for his belief that the movement should engage with rural people and their struggles and for his writings, produced over fifty years, which sought to link theory with practice, ideas with actions. For anyone with an interest in SA history.
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    How context mediates the effects of electoral institutions on the structure of party systems in Africa's emerging democracies
    (2004) Mozaffar, Shaheen
    Do electoral institutions in Africa’s emerging democracies impact the strategic coordination among voters, candidates and parties and shape the structure of party systems independently or are their effects mediated by contextual variables? The paper attempts to answer this question through analysis of systematic data on 99 national legislative elections held under 55 electoral systems in 37 countries. Specifically, it examines how two contextual variables – (1) institutional variables related to presidential elections and (2) patterns of ethnopolitical fragmentation and concentration – mediate the direct effects of electoral institutions on the structure (degree of fragmentation or concentration) of party systems. Regression analysis shows that electoral institutions have negligible independent effects, while contextual variables independently and interactively with each other and with electoral institutions account for the largest amount of variance on the degree of fragmentation or concentration of party systems. The conclusion discusses the implications of the results for the consolidation of Africa’s emerging democracies in the context of ethnopolitical diversity
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    The Institutions of Representative Democracy
    (2004) Nijzink, Lia; Piombo, Jessica
    This paper charts the development of the two institutions most central to the nature of representative democracy in South Africa: the electoral system and the National Assembly.2 It reviews how developments since 1994 have shaped the institutional context in which political parties operate and compete for power. The paper first considers how the National Assembly has developed over the past ten years, reviewing the performance of parliament and its role in the consolidation of democracy. The second part of the paper focuses on the electoral system, reviewing the debate around electoral reform and discussing changes that have been introduced since 1999. In the conclusion, we suggest what the implications of these institutional developments are for the future of representative democracy in South Africa.
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    The judiciary and government
    (2014-09-23) Davis, Dennis; Le Roux, Michelle
    This lecture series will be of interest to law students, legal practitioners and others in fields related to human rights, freedom of information and the reform and redistribution of land. Lecture series coordinated by Judge Dennis Davis, Judge of the High Court of South Africa & Michelle le Roux, Advocate of the High Court and Senior Visiting Fellow, Mandela Institute, Wits Law School. Tension between the elected government and the judiciary is common in constitutional democracies which feature the separation of powers between the judiciary, executive and legislature. However, in South Africa, concerns about excessive judicial intervention in politics and the unsuitability of our constitution to the social and economic developmental needs of the country have increasingly become more vocal. This lecture series will consider the role of the judiciary in our developing country as it strives to embed constitutional democracy. It will look at the dangers of judicial over- or under-reach and the possible threats to and opportunities for our constitutional model. Two panel discussions will focus on recent challenges related to land reform and information freedom respectively. LECTURE TITLES: *1. The good, bad and ugly: models of constitutional adjudication - Michelle le Roux; *2. How have we done? An examination of court success and failure through key cases - Judge Dennis Davis; *3. Panel on slow land reform and redistribution: the challenge to align the constitution - Mazibuko Jara (Law, Race & Gender Research Unit, UCT); *4. Panel on media and information freedoms under threat - Okyerebea Ampofo-Anti; *5. How concerned should we be about our constitutional health? - Judge Dennis Davis & Michelle le Roux.
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    Juvenile justice and prisons in South Africa
    (2012) Ratshidi, Tarisai Mchuchu
    Presented by: Tarisai Mchuchu-Ratshidi, Director, Young in Prison SA. This audio lecture will be of interest to those working with youth or with children in the juvenile system, as well as those who want to know more about juvenile justice and prisons in South Africa.
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    Language, identity, modernity: the Arabic study circle of Durban
    (HSRC Press, 2007) Jeppie, Shamil
    This innovative study introduces readers to a fascinating world of linguistic, religious and cultural politics in the South African port city of Durban from around 1950, the world of the Arabic Study Circle. This work provides an intimate sense of who they were and how they operated, their visions, as well as their international connections and contexts. A fusion of linguistic, religious and ethnic groups with rich, diverse roots and intersecting histories make up South Africa. However, the literature on most of the smaller groups tends to be thin and uneven and often tends to relegate them to the margins of the country’s major narratives. This innovative study introduces readers to a fascinating world of linguistic, religious and cultural politics in the South African port city of Durban from around 1950, the world of the Arabic Study Circle. This Association was led by a group of largely middle class, Indian, Muslim Gujurati-speaking men who were passionate about breaking out of the narrow confines of their origins and connecting to a larger changing world of learning rooted in Arabic and an Islamic modernity. They were gentlemen who believed in the transformative powers of reading and conversation. They exemplify the broader process, common among educated but disadvantaged people in apartheid South Africa and across the decolonising world, of the search for meaning, community and authenticity. CONTENTS: 1.Introduction; 2.The setting: Durban, South Africa, circa 1950; 3.The founder and foundations; 4.Learn, speak, read – and study Arabic Talk; 5.Great performances; 6.Critics, dissidents and enemies; 7.Legacy and limits; Notes: References; Index.
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    Language, identity, modernity: The Arabic study circle of Durban
    (2011) Jeppie, Shamil
    A fusion of linguistic, religious and ethnic groups with rich, diverse roots and intersecting histories make up South Africa. This innovative study introduces readers to a fascinating world of linguistic, religious and cultural politics in the South African port city of Durban from around 1950, the world of the Arabic Study Circle. This work provides an intimate sense of who they were and how they operated, their visions, as well as their international connections and contexts.
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    Motivation for the building of a footbridge to link Statice Heights and Bridgetown, Cape Town
    (2011-09) Shucart, Reika; Shoro, Katleho; Smith, Conor; Eriksson, Karin
    This document summarises the main findings of preliminary research carried out by postgraduate students at the University of Cape Town. Information contained in students' research proposals was formed from overt participant observation and unstructured interviews with local residents that identified themselves as being part of The Women's Circle. These views are believed to represent the wider community including children, people with disabilities and adults currently living in Statice Heights.
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    Non-technical factors that influence the implementation of a knowledge management system in a parastatal organisation in South Africa
    (2021) Majavu, Mluleki Justice; Kyobe, Michael
    As the 4th Industrial Revolution (4IR) has influenced all sectors, and workers who accrued their experience over decades are reaching retirement age, it has become imperative in all sectors to access their knowledge, store it, and share it with new employees to avoid such knowledge being lost. Knowledge management aims to take advantage of the intangible assets that would otherwise be wasted: The knowledge developed and held by the organisations' employees, their accumulated experience, and task-specific knowledge acquired by employees. Hence, the importance of knowledge management (KM) practices in driving organisational growth and profitability is well established. However, there is a paucity of literature regarding the influence of non-technical attributes (employee attitude, organisational culture, and organisational politics) in driving the effective implementation of KM across public sector organisations. Hence, the present study addressed the gap in literature by exploring the non-technical attributes that influence the effective implementation of KM in South African parastatals. The present study was based on the assumption that non-technical attributes are as important as the technical attributes for ensuring effective KM implementation. The study was governed by the Ecological Theory of KM, which endorses that individuals, relationships, and learning communities play an important role, including their interaction with each other as well as internal and external factors that motivate them to share adequate, appropriate, and timely knowledge. This research contributes to the theoretical knowledge within the information systems (IS) community through developing models and theories in the extant literature that may account for the influence of organisational culture and politics in influencing the effective implementation of knowledge management systems (KMSs) in South African parastatal organisations. The evidence suggested that knowledge-sharing behaviour among employees is an important determinant for the effective implementation of KM. Hence, it was speculated that organisational culture and organisational politics might also influence KM implementation within South African parastatals by influencing the employee-related attributes. The ontological and epistemological stances that were considered for this study were objectivism and positivism, respectively. Such stances were adopted because it was contended that the realism related to KM implementation could be estimated through objective endpoints. A mixed-method approach was undertaken to obtain the relevant data from the participants. The subjective responses of the participants were obtained through closed-ended and open-ended questions. Since there are different non-technical factors that could influence the effective implementation of KM, it was hypothesised that a positive organisational culture or a positive employee attitude might not always ensure effective KM implementation. The hypotheses were grounded on the concept that a positive attitude by employees might become undermined by a dominant negative organisational culture, and destructive or over-bearing organisational politics. Under such circumstances, the positive attitude of employees would not be sufficient to influence effective KM implementation. The study showed that attitudes of people and a positive organisational culture significantly influenced an effective KM implementation. One of the novel findings in this study was that organisational politics did not significantly impact the implementation of KM practices (p > 0.05). However, the focus group interviews reflected that the parastatal organisation suffered from leadership challenges, which substantiated the lack of a relationship between politics and KM implementation. The major theory that emerged from this study was that knowledge sharing across a parastatal organisation is governed by the interaction of different knowledge-sharing theories. The novel finding that organisational politics might not significantly influence the effective implementation of a KMS could be explained from the theories of knowledge sharing, which mandate that trait theory and social engagement theory might interact in influencing knowledge sharing across employees of parastatal organisations. If organisational politics do not influence knowledge sharing, the altruistic attributes of an employee may still be sufficient to share tacit and explicit knowledge. Future studies should explore the direct interaction between the positive and negative attributes of people, organisational culture, and organisational politics in influencing an effective implementation of KM across a number of parastatal organisations.
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    Political Institutions, Social Demographics and the Decline of Ethnic Mobilisation in South Africa, 1994 - 1999
    (2004) Piombo, Jessica
    Before the advent of democratic rule in South Africa, most had expected the country to experience an explosion of politicised ethnicity when minority rule was replaced. Yet this has not come to pass, and ethnic political parties have declined in number and influence in post-apartheid South Africa. Instead, between 1994 and 1999, partisan politics developed in a multipolar direction, with some parties embracing racial mobilisation and others attempting to build multi-ethnic, non-racial entities. In most instances, parties have explicitly turned away from mobilisation based on purely ethnic criteria, and instead have embraced more diverse strategies. This paper explains these developments as a product of the ways that political parties have responded to the incentives established by political institutions on the one hand, and the structure of social divisions, on the other. The analysis holds implications for our understanding of the ways in which social cleavages in ethnically divided societies become politically salient, and for the lessons of institutional and constitutional engineering, particularly with respect to how proportional representation systems interact with other factors to shape politics in ethnically diverse societies.
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    Political prioritisation for performance-based financing at the county level in Kenya: 2016 to 2019
    (2021) Waithaka, Dennis Wambiri; Orgill, Marsha; Gilson, Lucy
    Background: Performance based financing was introduced to Kilifi county actors in Kenya in 2015. Kilifi was identified by the Kenyan national government as one of the 20 arid and semi-arid counties (out of 47 counties) mandated to start the implementation of the scheme and potentially inform the development of a nation-wide PBF policy. This study investigates how political and bureaucratic actors at the local level in Kilifi county have subsequently influenced the extent to which PBF has been politically prioritised at the sub-national level. Methods: The study employed a single-case study design. The Shiffman and Smith (2007) political priority setting framework with adaptations proposed by Walt and Gilson (2014) was used. Data was collected through document review (n=19) and in-depth interviews (n=8). Framework analysis was used to analyse data and generate findings. Results: Throughout the study period (2015-2018), national policy elites gave sustained attention to PBF as a priority issue for implementation, this sustained attention was however not present at the sub national level in Kilifi county and funding for PBF was not prioritised post donor funding. Key factors that contributed to this in Kilifi county included: redistribution of power from national actors to sub-national actors following devolution, this affected the national Ministry of Health's ability to lead and be an effective guiding organisation; misalignment between the globally advocated idea of ‘pay for performance' and the local pre-existing centralised and rigid approaches to public financial management; and actors at the sub national level who contested the PBF intervention design features and its framing as ‘additional funding'. As a consequence, the implementation of PBF in Kilifi was for a short time only using donor resources and did not last beyond donor timelines and funding. Conclusion: This research shows that for health reforms to gain political priority in highly devolved contexts, there is need to recognise the formal and informal institutions existing at the devolved level of governance and for adequate early involvement and leadership from sub-national bureaucratic and political actors, in health and beyond the health sector. In addition, advocacy for the health reforms should embody frames that align with the political context to increase the chances of gaining political traction. Finally, the political context including political and bureaucratic power at different levels of government are crucial features that will also influence the acceptability of reform and ultimately political prioritisation.
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    The politics of memorialisation in Namibia: reading the Independence Memorial Museum
    (2018) Stonehouse, Alexandra; Scanlon, Helen
    The Independence Memorial Museum is the latest addition to the post-independence memorial landscape by Namibia’s ruling party, South West African People’s Organisation (or the Swapo Party). Like many other southern African liberation movements turned ruling political parties, Swapo has looked towards history to find legitimation and support in the present. This is referred to in this research as the creation of a Swapo master narrative of liberation history. It is a selective and subjective re-telling of history which ultimately works to conflate Swapo with the Nation. As such, Swapo has been portrayed as the sole representative and liberator of the Namibian people, and anything which effectively contradicts this has been silenced or purposefully forgotten within official or public history. This study takes as its starting point the removal of the colonial era Rider Statue in 2009, to make way for the new museum. The site, a significant landmark with regards to the Herero and Nama genocide, had remained effectively untouched both pre and post-independence as the city built up around several German colonial monuments. In order to understand why such a change in the memorial landscape would occur, and in a turnaround from the National Policy of Reconciliation that opted to protect all historical monuments as heritage after independence, this study looks to the Swapo master narrative of liberation history to explain the motivations behind building an Independence Memorial Museum. As such, the museum was thematically analysed with reference to the master narrative, and it was found that the same inclusions and exclusions, emphases, and silences were continued and consolidated within the museum. This study considers what narrative is put forward by the museum and why, and contemplates what opportunities were lost. The continued silences within Namibian official history constitute a sustained injustice to the people of Namibia.
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    Politics plus student and tutor guidebooks
    (2012-08) Duthie, Shawn
    These resources can be used by other departments which use the Plus program, or by departments who would like to start extra tutorials to teach students academic skills. There are two guides: a student guide with all the relevant information and exercises for each tutorial; and a tutor guide, which includes a lesson plan with information for each tutorial. These guides are the lesson plans and exercises for POL1008S (PolPlus) tutors and students. PolPlus offers supplementary tutorials to Extended Degree Program (EDP), Social Work and students who have done poorly on POL1004S (Introduction to Politics) as well as students who nominate themselves for the program. The tutorials focus on teaching students necessary academic skills that will benefit them for their entire university career.
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    Politics Writing Centre
    (2012-11) Eaton, Liberty; Freeman, Laura; Heard, Pasqua; Matlhaga, Tshimologo; Mulaudzi, Masana
    The lesson plans can be divided into roughly four-five categories: parts of speech, sentence structure, punctuation and rules surrounding the English language: 1. The parts of speech section is designed to help students refine their understanding of nouns, adjectives, adverbs and the basic parts of speech that create sentences. These ground rules are essential for understanding how to create sentences, which is the next section, sentence structure. These lesson plans are tailored to teach students how to write sentences and include exercises to help students apply what they have learned. 2. Within sentence structure students will be taught how to write complex and compound sentences that are often characteristic of academic writing. In addition, they will be taught how to vary sentence styles in order to avoid tedious writing that is difficult to read. 3. Punctuation is important for students who use it incorrectly and includes a series of lesson plans on commas, semi-colons and apostrophes. Often, students make errors when using this punctuation because they do not understand the rules that govern their use. These lesson plans address this issue. 4. The lesson plans on the rules when writing in English cover topics such as the difference between you’re and your or how to write in active and passive voice. 5. Lastly, the comprehension lesson plan aims to bring together all of the above to test the student’s understanding. Despite their relationship to one another, lesson plans are designed to be able to stand alone. This means that if a student only struggles with using comas, then that can be the only lesson the consultant uses. Once a consultant has identified the different challenges faced by a student, they are meant to create a collection of the lesson plans that best address that student’s needs. Where appropriate, lessons have been numerically organised according to a logical flow, e.g. the lesson plan on types sentences comes before the lesson on fragments. This ordering is merely a suggestion of how you might order the lessons. The Centre is meant to be a ‘fluid’ organization that adapts its teaching material to what students need when it comes to learning English. This is the great advantage of the one-on-one consultations. This series of lesson plans aims to help students who struggle with certain aspects of language and grammar. They have been developed with the Political Studies department at UCT and, as such, contain examples and illustrations from within the field. The nature of the plans means that they can, however, be adapted and used much more widely. The plans should be used selectively to suit the needs of the individual students. The plans are designed for one-on-one or small group consultations.
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    Religion and politics: the legal regulation of religious organisations in Uganda — 2016 - present
    (2024) Kaggwa, Catherine Bulya; Shaikh, Sa'diyya; Ukah, Asonzeh
    With increased visibility and social activism of religious actors and organisations in many post colonial African states, the legal governance of religious organisations has come into tension with citizenship rights and freedoms. This is the case in Uganda in recent years, where the state government at the federal level has proposed the National Religion and Faith Organizations (RFO) Policy. This policy was first proposed in 2016 and the policy document was revised in 2019. It purports to maintain the authority of the State over religious organisations while ensuring to observe the constitutionally guaranteed freedoms pertaining to religious beliefs, associations, practices, and belongings. This research aimed to understand the literature around the relationship between religion and politics in Uganda, between 1986 and present as well as the reactions for and against the RFO policy. Using data generated through telephone interviews, government documents, public forums, social media posts and comments, newspaper articles, periodicals, and news network interviews, from 2016 till the present, this study argued for a more nuanced and in-depth understanding of the complex and complicated process of the public governance of religious organisations in post-colonial African states such as Uganda. The reactions and arguments for and against the RFO policy indicate the need for the regulation of religious organisations in Uganda is based on socio-political dynamics and pressures which shape the way religious and political leaders and organizations interact in the society, how policies are implemented and the overall direction of the society concerning national development.
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    Revolution in Egypt and the Middle East
    (2014-09-08) Pallo, Jordan Z.; Jeppie, Shamil; Saleh, Ibrahim; Tayob, Abdulkader
    This lecture can be used to supplement lectures in history, film and media or politics related to the 2011 revolution in Egypt. The lecture can be used as a general interest podcast. This seminar discusses the revolution in Egypt and the Middle East, specifically: 1. Events in Egypt and how it relates to politics in Africa and South Africa 2. Events that led to the revolt in Egypt 3. Egypt and political communication - as well as personal reflections by Dr Ibrahim Saleh 4. Role of islam and politics of the Muslim Brotherhood The image used is Victory-Crowd by darkroomproductions and is available under a Creative Commons Non Commercial Lincese.
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    Right-wing populism in the European Union and the rise of Germany's Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and Hungary's Jobbik
    (2019) Bleher, Saskia; Phaahla, Elias
    The purpose of this thesis is it to investigate the socio-political conditions that gave rise to right-wing populism (RWP) in Germany and Hungary. It ascertains reasons for increasing right-wing populist attitudes in these two countries by tracing the emergence of the German Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and the Hungarian Movement for a better Hungary (Jobbik). The choice to compare these parties was influenced by considerations relating to their roles as main opposition parties in their respective countries’ parliaments as well as the fact that they were catapulted to political prominence as right-wing populist parties in the aftermath of the refugee crisis of 2015. Examining the causes for the increase of RWP across Europe is indispensable for purposes of understanding the everchanging political landscape of the European Union (EU) and the continued threat RWP poses to liberal democratic values in that region. Furthermore, it is necessary to comprehend the undercurrents besetting the two societies’ social fabrics and political nomenclatures as well as their roles in precipitating rightwing populist movements that have gone on dominate their respective polities. To unearth the circumstances behind the rise of RWP as a political phenomenon, the Most Different Systems Design will be utilized to identify factors which account for the success of the AfD and Jobbik in their respective countries. To carry out this task both the Cultural Backlash Thesis (CBT) and the Economic Insecurity Perspective (EIP) are employed as theoretical nodal points to ascertain each of the two countries’ unique set of socio-political and socioeconomic circumstances that propelled right-wing parties to political prominence. This thesis argues that both the CBT and EIP have been at the centre of why right-wing populism has been on the rise in the EU in recent times. Accounting for the exponential rise of Jobbik and the AfD is the exploitation of growing nationalist sentiments by both parties fuelled by fear of the loss of traditional norms and values since the refugee crisis. By focusing on traditional values and their countries’ cultural identities, the two right-wing populist parties inadvertently exclude minority groups on a continued basis. Furthermore, this study claims that while cultural discontents account for the rise of both parties, economic grievances are only applicable in Jobbik’s case alone. This is due to the fact that Germany suffers from less economic difficulties as EU’s strongest economy, whereas Hungary’s own has been performing below par, which has been aggravated by high levels of corruption in the public sector. Hence, Jobbik’s rise has been aided by economic and cultural frustrations as a result of the so-called foreign infiltration whereas the AfD’s is attributed to growing cultural and nationalist grievances gaining a foothold in Germany.
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    “Speaking as one African to another”: friendship as politics in the letters of Robert Sobukwe and Benjamin Pogrund, 1960-1969
    (2024) Daitz, Emma F; Chaturvedi, Ruchi; Grunebaum, Heidi
    This dissertation draws on the correspondence exchanged between Robert Sobukwe, one of the founders of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), and Benjamin Pogrund, a journalist at the Rand Daily Mail and a member of the Liberal Party of South Africa, to argue that friendship constitutes a form of politics. Through a close examination of the Sobukwe-Pogrund letters, read against the historical context of their production, the dissertation charts the ways in which these two friends refused the racial essentialism of the apartheid state through gestures of care, reciprocity, and other-directedness. Though not speaking in the oppositional register of anti-colonial or anti-apartheid nationalist struggle, I argue that this refusal, and the many actions which brought it into being, constitutes a form of politics that demands attention and analysis in times of racial polarizations and antagonisms. The letters upon which my analysis is based were written between 1960 and 1969. 1960 was the year of the PACs anti-pass campaign to which the state responded by killing 69 people and seriously wounding 180 in the Sharpeville Massacre. The letters, written during Sobukwe's subsequent imprisonment, were donated by Benjamin Pogrund in the early 1990s to the Wits Historical Research Papers archive at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg and were subsequently digitized and made available online. In addition to the letters, I also draw on a collection of public speeches made by Sobukwe in the late 1950s to 1960. My analysis draws on insights from the fields of postcolonial and African studies. Consulting Sobukwe's public speeches, I argue that his openness to Pogrund was not an idiosyncrasy but indeed embedded within his Pan-Africanist political commitments as evidenced by his open-ended theorisation of the category of the African in a post-apartheid future (that is yet to come) thereby establishing an anti-racist lineage for non-racialism. Throughout the dissertation, I attempt to hold a series of contradictions or paradoxes together as part of an ethical commitment to face the complexities of raced being and belonging in everyday life that both recognises and opposes racism and, at the same time, is alert and responsive to the fact that even in conditions of racist oppression forms of identity, relationality, and mutuality emerge between people which may facilitate life-affirming political and social possibilities.