Browsing by Subject "Politics - South Africa"

Now showing 1 - 4 of 4
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    The administration of Cecil John Rhodes as prime minister of the Cape Colony, 1890-1896
    (1951) Jenkins, Stanley John
    In his monograph, Sir Thomas Fuller divides Rhodes's public policy under three heads - the expansion of the Cape Colony; the federation, or, as it was frequently called, the union of South African States; and the Government of the Cape Colony itself when he became its Premier. Any such divisions are of course merely arbitrary, and merely made for the sake of convenience, for it is obvious that these aspects of his policy were closely inter-related, and, in fact, inter-dependent. For this reason, it is all the more to be regretted that in the Imperialistic fervour which hallows the memory of Rhodes abodes the Empire-builder, or at the other extreme, in the severe condemnation of the Rhodes of the Jameson Raid, the significance of his work as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony is under-estimated or over- looked altogether. The Colony provided the base for his operations in the wider field of South African politics. Without its support, there could have been no Northern development, and in his scheme of South African unity, he believed it the Colony's destiny to play the leading role. Thus during his Premiership, the Franchise changes were introduced as a step towards a common South African Native policy; the Glen Grey Bill was a "Native Bill for Africa"; in regard to railways and customs, the ultimate aim was amalgamation and free trade in South African products as a prelude to political unity. Above all, it was a period of close co-operation between the two sections of the European population in the Colony itself, and it is this aspect of Rhodes's administration with which this thesis is primarily concerned. It has also been necessary to deal at some length with his earlier activities to show how this co-operation became possible, and to trace its effect upon the general trend of his policy after 1890.
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    Die Burger en die Kleurling-stem, 1948-1961
    (1986) Mittner, M J; Welsh, David
    Heelwat is al geskryf oor die kenmerke en gevolge van die Nasionale regering se apartheidsbeleid wat sedert 1948 sy beslag in Suid-Afrika gekry het, veral m.b.t. hoe dit Swartmense raak en steeds raak. In die laaste jare het ook meer publikasies verskyn oor hoe die beleid twee minderheidsgroepe in Suid-Afrika, die Kleurlinge en die Indiers, raak. Min aandag is egter al gegee aan die dryfvere of beweegredes agter die toepassing van die beleid van apartheid en die argumente wat gevoer is om besluitnemers te beinvloed in die besluite wat hulle geneem het. Die Burger het deur die jare 'n reputasie ontwikkel as die Afrikaanse koerant wat eerstens die meeste lewenskragtigheid toon en tweedens 'n vorm van deurdagte kommentaar oor politieke gebeure lewer wat dikwels dieselfde is as die wat in regerings-kringe gehuldig word. In 'n tyd wat min publikasies of instansies apartheid sou verdedig, het Die Burger hand aan hand met die Nasionale regering voortgegaan om dit te doen, maar terselfdertyd kriewelrigheid oor sekere aspekte van die beleid in meerdere of mindere mate openbaar. Desondanks sy verdediging van apartheid, het die koerant in die vyftiger- en sestigerjare die reputasie ontwikkel as 'n meer gematigde of 'verligte' ondersteuner van die Nasionale regering en ook daarin geslaag om wereldwyd hoog aangeskrewe te word in joernalistieke kringe. Die verwydering van die Kleurlingkiesers van die gemeenskaplike lys in die vyftigerjare word algemeen beoordeel as 'n negatiewe daad wat die Nasionale saak skade aangedoen het - 'n mening wat ook al in hoe Nasionale kringe geopper is. Om 'n goeie insig in die problematiek van die tyd te kry, is dit belangrik om ook die menings te bepaal van die koerant wat waarskynlik 'n reuse-rol gespeel het om die besluitnemers te beinvloed in die besluite wat hulle oor die Kleurlingstem en die konstitusionele stryd van die vyftigerjare geneem het. Die dryfvere of logika (indien enige) agter die Nasionale optrede kan 'n groot rol speel vir 'n beter verstandhouding van die era. Apartheid word vandag feitlik universieel veroordeel weens 'n verskeidenheid van redes wat reeds goed gedokumenteer is. Min aandag is egter al gegee aan wat mense beweeg het om die beleid toe te pas en dit steeds op 'n afgewaterde wyse toe te pas. Die kommentaar en optrede van Die Burger gee 'n goeie insig in wat die dryfvere was agter die verwydering van die Kleurlingkiesers van die gemeenskaplike lys. Dit blyk bv. dat die optrede nie net gemotiveer is deur naakte rassisme nie, maar dat faktore soos Nasionalisme en 'n bedreigings-persepsie 'n ewe groot rol gespeel het. Met hierdie werkstuk is dan hoofsaaklik gepoog om 'n lyn te probeer trek en die logika (indien enige) te probeer vasstel tussen Die Burger se propagering van die verwydering van die Kleurlinge van die gemeenskaplike lys in 1956 (In effek 'n vermindering van regte) tot die beroep vier jaar later op die Nasionale regering vir die oorweging van 'n beleld van reg-streekse verteenwoordiging van Kleurlinge deur Kleurlinge in die Parlement (In effek 'n vergroting van politieke regte). Dit is gedoen teen die agtergrond van N.P. Van Wyk Louw se denke, wat veral die destydse redakteur van Die Burger, mmr. P.J. Cillie, grootliks beinvloed het, dat kritiek deur lede van 'n klein en bedreigde volk op optrede van die leiers van die klein volk vanuit die lojale binnekring gedoen moet word.
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    A study of politics in the Cape Colony from January 1908 to May 1910
    (1950) Ross, Barry Kennedy
    The period with which this thesis is concerned is one of vital importance in the history of the old Cape Colony and also of very real significance in the past and future development of the Union of South Africa. It was during this period that the Cape Colony made the tremendous decision to unite with the other South African colonies, and the results of that decision are still with us today, and some, indeed, have not been fully worked out even yet. It was the bad fortune of the Cape Colony to enter Union at a time when she was slowly recovering from the effects of a severe depression. At the time of Union, the Colony had barely become solvent and this financial weakness had placed her in an extremely invidious position during the National Convention. Then too at the meetings of that body she lacked the services of two of her most able politicians, J.H. Hofmeyr and W.P. Schreiner. There are a fair number of secondary works which handle this period. The biographies of the two men mentioned above are examples. But no secondary work has dealt with the period as a subject in itself. It has always been related to a personality, and most of the secondary works are clouded by continual references of a personal nature, which make it extremely difficult for form a clear-cut impartial picture of the period. It is hoped that this thesis may in some small way supply that need. As this thesis is concerned purely with politics in the Cape Colony, no attempt has been made to give a comprehensive description of Merriman's administration or of the work of individual Government departments. For this reason press reports, private papers and biographies have been used, rather than official documents. The latter have, of course, been used to provide statistical information where such proved necessary.