OpenUCT :: Browsing by Subject "Political Science"

Browsing by Subject "Political Science"

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Open Access
An application of Lindbergs thesis in assessing democratic growth in Zambia
(2011) Chileshe, Chileshe; Mattes, Robert
More specifically, the study examines whether a within country, over time analysis of Zambia, reveal that Zambia is in fact becoming more democratic. The study assesses democratic quality in Zambia using sub-concepts of participation, competition, judicial autonomy, legislative autonomy, executive power, openness, and popular legitimacy of democracy.
Open Access
Are there economic returns from democracy? : the experience of Sub-Saharan Africa from 1988-2007
(2011) Andersen, Ryan; Mattes, Robert
There is an enduring debate as to whether democracy promotes or hinders economic growth. This study examines the relationship between democracy and economic growth in 47 sub-Saharan African countries from 1988 to 2007. From the late 1980s until the mid-1990s, a period of democratization swept the continent. This period of democratization was followed by a period of strong economic growth from the mid- 1990s through 2007. It is argued here that these events are not coincidental and that democracy is advantageous to economic growth, particularly in the sub-Saharan Africa region. Using statistical analyses such as bivariate correlation and multiple regression, the relationship between democracy and economic growth is examined using a number of control variables to test the strength of the relationship between democracy and growth. To date, the empirical research on democracy and economic growth provides conflicting results, ranging from positive to negative to neutral effects. The results of this study show that there is a correlation between higher levels of democracy and higher levels of economic growth during certain periods. However, this relationship weakens to levels that are not significant once certain combinations of control variables are included. While the results of the study do not provide a definitive answer to the debate, they do refute certain arguments that have been made about the main drivers of economic growth in the region. The results also show that democracy does not have a negative effect on growth, which highly suggests that there might be a sequence effect involved in the path towards democratization and economic growth.
Open Access
Do Elinor Ostroms principles of successful institutions illuminate the challenges to participation in groundwater governance in South Africa? What limits are there to using Ostrom's principles to analyse groundwater governance challenged in South Africa?
(2016) Rust, Jennifer; Butler, Anthony
Elinor Ostrom's research has opened up a field of study into locally developed institutions for commons governance and has successfully disproved the notion that it is impossible for individuals to address collective problems cooperatively (Ostrom, 1993:110). South Africa has a semi-arid country with scarce water resources. Multiple diverse users such as farmers, private citizens, companies, and municipalities draw groundwater. Groundwater governance involves water allocation, regulation and management through socially acceptable institutions. This relationship between government and society is fundamentally a political one (Rogers, Hall, 2003). A primary concern of the new draft National Groundwater Strategy is governance and enabling the participatory processes involved (Department of Water and Sanitation, 2016). By drawing on Ostrom's principles of successful institutions to analyze groundwater governance challenges in South Africa it is evident that while her principles help to focus inquiry and largely reflect the literature on challenges to groundwater governance in South Africa. That said, Ostrom's principles may present an image of what aspects successful institutions tend to have, but these do not help us to develop a comprehensive understanding of the South African social and economic challenges to participatory institutional development. In South Africa the challenges of inequality and marginalization, and resulting social dynamics, as well as the issues of government capacity to be both a central actor and facilitative actor, and when each role is appropriate, are significant challenges to the sustainable governance of groundwater resources. The question of how to address these challenges must be addressed by government and all stakeholders if local participation is to be encouraged in South Africa.
Open Access
Greene's resource theory of single party dominance
(2019) Ulla, Heidi Emberland; Butler, Anthony
Single-party dominance (SPD) is a phenomenon that has puzzled many scholars within the field of political science, as it does not fit into the standard dichotomy of democracy versus dictatorship. Kenneth Greene’s Resource Theory seeks to explain prolonged electoral dominance in these systems by looking at resource asymmetries between the governing party and the opposition. Greene applies his theory to democratic and non-democratic SPD systems alike. In order to expand knowledge in the field of SPD research, this thesis has provided a critical analysis of Greene’s theory using South Africa under the ANC within the timeframe of 1994 to February 2018 as an illustrative case. The thesis concluded that the Resource Theory could not be used for explaining ANC dominance, and indicated that resources have a limited power to explain SPD. As such, the aim of the thesis is to uncover theoretical weaknesses of the theory. Firstly, it is argued that the theory is weakened by the use of subjective and sometimes arbitrary concepts which hamper testability. The main theoretical flaw identified is Greene’s assumptions of the nature of such systems, in which he sees the dominant party as one unit. I argue in this research that this assumption renders the theory unable to predict the consequences of factionalisation within the dominant party. Three main factors are identified to justify why resources have limited explanatory power. Firstly, factionalisation leads to intra-party competition for state resources, and these factions become dependent on a steady stream of resources to sustain themselves. This competition can become so fierce that the economy suffers. When resources become less available, these conflicts intensify. Consequently, the dominant party starts deteriorating from within and misconduct can no longer be concealed from the public. As the government becomes less responsive in terms of providing public goods in combination with increased public awareness, voter dissatisfaction also intensifies. This eventually leads citizens to abandon their allegiance to the party. The research study shows that resources are not independent from external and internal environments, indicating that asymmetric resource advantages alone cannot explain why these systems exist over longer periods of time.
Open Access
The Impact of Democracy on Economic Growth in sub-Saharan Africa
(2010) Barreto, Montserrat Lleyda; Mattes, Robert
This research will deal with regime dynamics (early interruption of democracies, early maintaining of democracies, late interruption of democracies, late maintaining of democracies, maintaining autocracies, and liberalizing autocracies), levels of democracy (liberal democracy, electoral democracy, and hybrid regimes) and their relationship with economic growth. Regime dynamics refers to the stability or interruption of democratic and authoritarian regime. The meaning of the regime dynamics categories are: maintaining autocracies (countries that have maintained their authoritarian regime over time), liberalizing autocracies (countries that are not considered close autocracies, having some democratic aspects, such as their electoral system with a set of minimal civil rights and freedom), late interruption democracies (countries that became democracies after 1997 but broke down), late maintaining democracies (countries that became democracies after 1997 and have maintained their democratic status), early interruption democracies (countries that became democracies before 1997 but broke down), early democratizers maintaining (countries that became democracies before 1997 and have maintained their democratic status). These categories are created based on how these countries score in the Freedom House. A total of 47 sub-Saharan African countries will be researched over time, from 1988 until 2008, in order to verify whether countries are included in which group of the regime dynamics' typologies. The variable of economic growth is affected by the regime dynamics. In this case, early maintaining democracy is positive correlated with economic growth. The maintenance of regime, being it a democracy or an autocracy has higher growth rates compared to countries that have democratic or autocratic interruptions. Therefore, regime stability over time is a key variable in order to understand economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa. The impact of regime dynamics and levels of democracy on economic growth has been tested by applying Time Series Analysis (statistical methodology) and Ordinary Least Square method.
Open Access
National identity in post-apartheid South Africa
(2011) Romo, Michelle; Mattes, Robert
This study investigates the changes in national identity in South Africa over time and examines conditions and perceptions that inform national identity. It has three areas of focus: examining the levels of national identity in South Africa in 2008, the most current year of survey data available; mapping the levels of national identity overtime from 1995 to 2008, and identifying sources of national identity from 2002 to 2008. Using statistical analysis, this study tests for interaction effects between race and notions of inclusive citizenship in the South African population to examine predictors of national identity. The paper explores the extent to which the ANC's program of nation building with its emphasis on inclusive citizenship, as represented by freedom and equity, both political and economic, has influenced the development of national identity.
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Party footprints in Africa: measuring local party presence across the continent
(Centre for Social Science Research, 2020-10) Krönke, Matthias; Lockwood, Sarah J; Mattes, Robert
The conventional view holds that most of Africa’s political parties are organizationally weak, with little grassroots presence. Yet few studies are based on systematically collected data about more than a handful of parties or countries at any given point. In this paper, we focus on one crucial aspect of party organization – the local presence that enables political parties to engage with and mobilize voters – and use Afrobarometer data to develop the Party Presence Index, the first systematic, cross-national measure of local party presence in Africa. We then apply the index to a series of substantive questions, confirming its value and demonstrating its potential to add significantly to our understanding of grassroots party organization.
Open Access
Problematising the diffusion of LGBTI rights in Africa : the case of Malawi.
(2013) Mugo, Tiffany; Smith, Karen
African countries have increasingly come under fire for the maltreatment of homosexuals by those within the state and society. The region is rife with instances of homophobia manifesting themselves in acts of discrimination or even violence. In response to this international actors have sought to urge African countries to protect the rights of sexual minorities. However, the endeavour has proved somewhat unsuccessful as African nation states continue to resist the diffusion of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual, Intersex (LGBTI) norm. This study seeks to highlight the gaps within the Norm Life Cycle model as developed by Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink by exploring the difficulties faced in diffusing the LGBTI norm into Malawi. The rejection of the LGBTI norm by Malawians at societal level shows an impediment to norm diffusion that is not considered by the Norm Cycle model. The case of Malawi illustrates the limitations of the model and, in turn, the need for a lens that takes into consideration the specificities at the local level. This dissertation shows that there is a need to analyse the ‘norm takers’ – one must take into account the variances between nation states in terms of such facets as culture, tradition and identity. It will utilise the rejection of the norm by Malawian society to argue for a more localised understanding of norm diffusion.
Open Access
Public evaluations of the South African Presidents
(2016) Felton, Jamy; Mattes, Robert
This study investigates the nature of public evaluations of the presidents of South Africa over time. It consists of two statistically explorative components; a descriptive analysis which looks at the nature of Presidential Approval, and a multivariate analysis which tests competing hypothesis. Using IDASA and Afrobarometer data from 1997, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2011 and 2015, this thesis tests an Identity hypothesis, a Performance Evaluation hypothesis and a Cognitive Awareness hypothesis to determine which factors predict approval levels of the president. Findings indicate that South Africans are more likely to make use of low-information reasoning when ascribing support than to use their cognitive awareness of current affairs. There is an indication that South Africans who share an identity with the president are more likely to approve of the president - especially in recent years. However, South Africans are rational people who are more likely to base their approval of the president on how the government performs and how they perceive the economy.
Open Access
School determinants of political engagement and participation among South African 'Born Frees'
(2016) Godinho, Catrina Laura; Mattes, Robert
In this dissertation, I use the 2012 Cape Area Study - a survey of 2,518 Grade 11 students at 45 schools in the Cape Town metropolitan area - to explore school determinants of political engagement and participation among South Africa's first post-apartheid generation, the 'born frees'. I ask whether schools have had an impact on 'born free' students' civic engagement and the likelihood that they will participate in legal and illegal political activity, as well as voting in elections. Despite the legacies of the racially defined apartheid system, the current African National Congress (ANC) government's failure to deliver on their promise of equal, quality and democratic education for all, and the enduring crisis in basic education, I find that the school can have a positive influence on political engagement and attitudes toward political participation. In this regard, the school characteristics that have the greatest influence are: the frequency with which politics is discussed across classes, the level of participation in school governance and other organisations, and extent to which the school environment is fair and caring. In addition, the school contributes to the development of internal efficacy and a procedural (rather than instrumental) understanding of democracy, both of which positively impact political engagement and attitudes toward political participation. Socio-economic status and race have a relatively small impact, which is reassuring given South Africa's history and the persistently high level of socio-economic inequality. Intriguingly, where socioeconomic status and race are significant, it is the wealthier and previously advantaged groups who are less likely to be politically engaged and to have participative attitudes toward political activities, with the exception of voting.
Open Access
The township concept in modern South Africa
(1999) Souesi, Ismini-Maria; Japha, Derek; du Toi, Andre
This dissertation will look at the articulation and consolidation of a "township concept" in the administrative environment of early apartheid South Africa. It is argued that the concept - a joint product of two seemingly divergent discourses, ne of modem it and the other of racial- was and identified as a solution to the urban crisis of the 19ifgs. I further arguelnafthe concept of a township for the urban African population - with all that it entailed - reflects the was in which the crisis and the role of the African in the South African urban system _were perceived by policy-makers. The socio-economic environment and the intellectual context in which the concept was introduced affirmed l he relationship between space and society and the extent to which spatial solutions could resolve socio-economic problems. It is at this point those urban discourses, from urban administration to physical planning, met with the apartheid project for Separate Development. The intellectual construction of a "tribal" or "transitional" identity which normalised exclusion from the sphere of social interaction in the cities was permanently ingrained in the urban tapestry through the racialisation of town planning. The spatial model of the township attests to a congruence in the processes by which urban Africans were to be governed and the ways in which urban resistance was to be suppressed through a reinterpretation of the urban subject as a member of a geographically and socially contained community. The administrative model contained within the township concept was to reinforce the discipline imposed by the spatial model (through the marginal location of the township, ethnic zoning, and single-storey houses) with the use of housing provision as a mechanism for influx control and the constitution of structures of government supportive of Separate Development.
Open Access
Thrown in at the deep end: South Africa and the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations 1986-1994
(2010) Soko, Mills
South Africa's readmission into the multilateral trade system in the early 1990s was one of the key events that marked the end of decades of international ostracism brought about by the country's apartheid policies. By participating in the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations and acceding to the Marrakesh Agreement of the GATT/WTO in 1994, South Africa agreed to liberalise its trade policies in line with the rules-based global trade regime after decades of estrangement from the GATT operations and disciplines. Although South Africa had taken part in all the previous rounds of multilateral trade liberalisation, years of international isolation prevented the country from benefiting from the considerable liberalisation attained in the successive preUruguay Round negotiations. Even so, it appears that the Uruguay Round had a significant political and economic impact on South Africa. The normalisation of South Africa's trade relations and the reinstatement of its trade prerogatives within the WTO elicited a favourable disposition towards the country. Trade reforms implemented in line with Uruguay Round commitments laid the foundation for major changes in the South African economy. South Africa, however, still has a long way to go before it can achieve its long-term goal of becoming a globally competitive, outward-oriented manufacturing and services economy.
Open Access
Towards a silent revolution? - South African Voters during years of democracy 1994-2006
(2009) Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette; Seekings, Jeremy; Mattes, Robert

Browsing by Subject "Political Science"

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