Browsing by Subject "International Relations"
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- ItemOpen AccessA discursive historical approach (DHA) to understanding South Africa's leadership aspirations in Africa: state exceptionalism and foreign policy under Mandela and Mbeki(2022) Maposa, Siseko Kwalunga; Akokpari, JohnSince the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the state has maintained a “South African Africa destiny” which sees itself as a modernizing and civilizing force in, and the rightful leaders of Africa. What has also been evident, throughout various political leaderships, has been a strong presence of South African exceptionalism which forms a core characteristic of its' national identity (Vale & Maseko, 2002; Mamdani, 1998; Breckenridge, 2004). Leadership foreign policy dispositions and state exceptionalism have persisted through the democratization of the state, forming a core component of post-apartheid state identity and foreign policy in Africa. But how can one understand the relationship between South African exceptionalism and its' continued leadership dispositions in the region? By employing a Discursive Historical Approach (DHA), the thesis investigates the influence of South African exceptionalism on its' foreign policy in Africa under the presidencies of Mandela (1994-1999) and Mbeki (1999-2008). Analysis will identify the discursive origins of South African exceptionalism, assess discursive diachronic changes and (re)productions within the post-apartheid state before drawing upon theoretical in-sight to investigate the impact of state exceptionalism on South African foreign policy in Africa. The thesis finds that firstly, the origins of South African exceptionalism can be discursively traced back to the pronouncements by British political leaders in the South African Union of 1910. Initially, South Africa was argued to be exceptional because of its' geography and in the manner it exercised colonial governance over its' African subjects. Secondly, several post-apartheid discourses of exceptionalism are identified, traced back to the workmanship of new right-intellectuals of the 1990s and their ideas of a multicultural new South Africa. Post-apartheid discourses of exceptionalism relate to: 1) the South African miracle, 2) South Africa: the rainbow people of God, 3) South Africa: the cradle of mankind and 4) South Africa: the gateway to Africa. These discourses construct a South African identity possessing the inter-subjective view that the states' politics, economy and society are more advanced than that of its' neighbouring nations. Lastly, the paper finds that South African exceptionalism must be understood as 1) a discursive construction of South African identity, 2) a role-creator articulating South Africa as leaders and teachers in the region and 3) a framework articulating the nations' model of political and economic organization as something worth exporting elsewhere. At often times, this influences the states' actions in Africa by creating a leadership-orientated foreign policy demeanour.
- ItemOpen AccessAfrica's recent oil boom : are the same mistakes being made again? Investigating the effect of the recent surge in oil prices upon the prospects of long term development in Sub-Saharan Africa(2009) Rhodes, Anton; Mattes, RobertThere has been as yet no empirical study that has undertaken to identify how Sub-Saharan African (SSA) states have allocated the wealth generated from the 21st century oil boom. The answer to this question may well determine whether Africa has any prospect of sustainable resource led development in the near future. This work is an empirical study into how oil states have allocated their wealth in the modern era, and whether there has been a divergence from the past. The main goal is to revise the common view (based as it is on the experiences of the 1970's and early 1980's) that increased levels of oil wealth serve only to undermine the prospect of long term economic growth within developing countries. I argue that improvements in the political environment have increased the possibility that the 21st century price rise has been used more productively than was the case thirty years ago. Thus the focus of this paper is to identify how oil states have improved their use of oil wealth in the recent era, and the factors that have brought this about. To achieve this end, I have created a set of variables that identifies the amount of oil wealth that has accrued to African governments (during the 21st century price rise) and the areas in which these funds have been allocated. I have also measured levels of political and social freedom to determine whether the political environment is one that has improved from the previous price hike period. My empirical findings display two clear results. Firstly, the political environment has improved significantly from the previous era, and secondly, the pattern of resource allocation has changed dramatically, to one that holds out a much greater prospect of positive long term economic growth. Based upon these results, it appears that SSA oil states have broken away from the negative effects associated with the resource curse and the previous oil bonanza.
- ItemOpen AccessAfrican democracy at a crossroads : structural adjustment, economic crisis and political turbulence in Zimbabwe(2007) Nyoni, Shuvai Busuman; Akokpari, JohnWord processed copy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-76).
- ItemOpen AccessAfrican development : the historical context of NEPAD(2004) Gould, Kate; Schrire, RobertIncludes bibliographical references.
- ItemOpen AccessAfrican legislatures and HIV/AIDS : an exploratory analysis(2011) Searle, Alexandra; Mattes, Robert; Strand PerSince 1981 AIDS has killed more than 25 million people world-wide, the majority of whom lived within developing countries. The worst affected region, Sub Saharan Africa, currently has 3.5% of the world’s population yet 37% of the world’s people living with HIV. In light of the magnitude of the pandemic in the region it has been increasingly acknowledged that not only are HIV and AIDS health issues but also pervasive development issues due to the impact they have on national socioeconomic development. Unsurprisingly a disease of ‘sex and drugs’4 is a highly controversial and politicized issue. An effective response represents a serious challenge for national governance institutions, particularly within the unique and complex socio political environments of the region. The need for ‘democratic governance’ and a ‘multi-sectoral’ approach within the HIV & AIDS response highlights the critical role of national legislatures. Due to the severity and scope of the pandemic there is an assumption that elected representatives would be in the forefront of the response. Effective legislatures are the sine qua non of a representative democracy, and arguably an important vehicle through which to drive the HIV national response. Legislatures represent a cross section of society and play a central role in the coordination and implementation of national responses. Further understanding and explanation of legislative responses around HIV & AIDS speak to issues of democratic governance and the need to improve overall accountability and transparency within these institutions.
- ItemOpen AccessAfrican solutions to African problems : learning from ECOMOG s experiences in Liberia and Sierra Leone(2008) Mwandumba, Judith Victoria; Akokpari, John
- ItemOpen AccessAl Shabaab as a transnational actor : a critical theoretical analysis(2016) Reid, Gabrielle Paxton; Seegers, AnnetteThe Somalia-based militant group, Al Shabaab, has conducted mass casualty transnational terrorist attacks and has become a regional security threat. In an effort to uncover the best explanation of the drivers behind the group's use of transnational terror, a critical analysis of Rational Choice Theory, Spill-over Conflict Theory and Regional War Complex Theory was conducted. Evaluating each theory according to whether its assumptions held true, the theory offered a parsimonious explanation of Al Shabaab's use of transnational terror which could be supported by at least three types of evidence, the strengths and weaknesses of each theory, with regard to explaining Al Shabaab's transnational terror were identified. The findings showed that Al Shabaab as a transnational actor should not be seen as a linear transformation of the group, moving outwards from Somalia, but connected to an interlinked web between countries in the Horn of Africa, where domestic vulnerabilities such as political and socioeconomic marginalisation and a vulnerability to radicalisation allow for the cross-pollination of intent, and the capabilities to carry out attacks. As such, the regional and international interconnections captured by the Regional War Complex offered the best explanation of the drivers of Al Shabaab's use of transnational terror. Although Rational Choice Theory most clearly highlighted Al Shabaab's intent to transform from a domestic actor to a regional one, and the Spill-over Model showed that refugees could offer a recruitment source, it was the increased regional capabilities through the establishment of affiliates located outside of Somalia which gave the group the capacity to carry out transnational attacks and to operate as a transnational actor.
- ItemOpen AccessAn analysis of the counterterrorism (CT) and counterinsurgency (COIN) operations employed by African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) to counter the threat of al-Shabaab in Somalia (2007- 2016)(2018) Ndegwa, Loise W; Akokpari, JohnMore than ten years after the deployment of the first African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) troops to Mogadishu, it is imperative that an in-depth analysis is conducted to examine whether the troops have reduced the threat of al-Shabaab in Somalia and the region. This analysis is especially important since AMSIOM is the latest attempt to create a stable and strong central government in Somalia since the fall of Said Barre’s regime in 1991. The extremist group, al-Shabaab, has evolved to become the strongest opponent and obstacle to the creation of the Federal Government of Somalia. The main objective of this dissertation is to challenge the definition of success advocated by AMISOM and its allies regarding their progress in Somalia. This study also aims to analyse the effectiveness of the counterterrorism (CT) and counterinsurgency (COIN) operations employed by AMISOM to reduce the threat of al-Shabaab. To analyse the effectiveness of the CT and COIN operations utilised between 2007 and 2016, this paper will contextualise the body-count approach using data collected from African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) reports and the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) by the University of Maryland. This study concludes that the weak mandate, which prevented the troops from conducting military offensives, and inadequate troop strength during the first phase of the mission (2007-July 2010), provided al-Shabaab with the right environment to evolve from a terrorist group into an insurgency by securing their support both their domestic and international support. Also, AMISOM’s failure to change their tactics and strategy to account for modifications adapted by al-Shabaab during the second and third phases (July 2010 – May 2012 and June 2012 – December 2016) has contributed to their limited success in Somalia. Although the scope of this study does not discuss all possible reasons for the limited success by AMISOM, it contributes to the larger discussion.
- ItemOpen AccessAn enquiry into Argentina's foreign policy towards Southern Africa since 2003 with specific reference to Angola and Mozambique(2019) Manini, Hector Leandro Manini; Phaahla, EliasThis study investigates the deepening relations between Argentina and Southern Africa with specific reference to Angola and Mozambique. The enquiry notes the early years of the 2000s as the turning point that saw a sea change in Argentina‟s foreign policy towards these two countries. From nearly non-existent bilateral relations to concerted efforts to strengthen economic ties with the two Southern African countries by Argentina, these changes in Argentina‟s foreign policy are compelling for consideration as subjects of academic enquiry. The study seeks to understand the key motivations behind this new approach in Argentina‟s foreign policy, and using a case study approach, the study delves into the historical developments and other politically significant sequences of events in each of the two African countries in question to account for said foreign policy changes. As a theory of international relations, realism serves as a key anchor of this study, providing a magnifying lens that allows us to uncover economic considerations to be the key motivating factors behind Argentina‟s foreign policy. Despite Angola and Mozambique being endowed with natural resources, which provides a natural allure for countries such as Argentina to want to exploit, trade remains the key pillar of bilateral economic relations between Argentina and the two Southern African countries. These have been blossoming and reaching new heights. All this was facilitated by political stability in the two countries following a long period of civil wars that left the economies of Mozambique and Angola in deprived and crippled economic conditions.
- ItemOpen AccessAnalysis of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in community rural development : a study of world vision international (WVI) development interventions in Gwembe district of Zambia(2007) Michelo, Lawrence Maumbi; Akokpari, JohnThe study analyses the role of NGOs in rural community development in Africa, with a focus on Gwembe district in Zambia. The 1990s were a turning point in the development practices in Africa. This era saw the emergence of NGOs as a preferred mode of channeling development assistance by the donor community. NGOs were efficient, accountable, and closer to the people. They were able to make the communities own the development process. The state and its bureaucracy was vilified, demonised and condemned as incapable of service delivery to the rural poor. The study used World Vision International Zambia operations and interventions in the Gwembe District. It endeavored to assess the extent to which NGOs have lived up to the development promises of the 1990s. Key to the study was the investigation into whether the communities own the development projects. The study reviewed literature on the emergence of NGOs as important player in development in third world countries. In this review the study learned that the strengths of the NGOs was in that they were community focused, participatory, democratic, community oriented, cost effective and better at reaching the poorest. The major weaknesses of NGOs in Africa come from the fact they are dependent on donor money for their survival. They are a parasite to the poor. They do not care about the causes they champion. They produce low quality returns; they are engulfed in self-obfuscation, spin control and outright lying to justify their works. The NGOs are elite driven and do not care about the poor.
- ItemOpen AccessAn analysis of the interdependence within the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Lesotho(2017) Grimwood, Zahira; Akokpari, JohnThe main objective of this minor dissertation is to unpack the convoluted bilateral relationship between the Kingdom of Lesotho and the Republic of South Africa. Lesotho's extreme dependence on South Africa is explored in terms of geopolitical dependence, labour migration, the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and royalties accrued from the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). The exhaustive amount of literature that explores these themes of Lesotho's dependence clearly reflects the dominance of South Africa during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. A factor that further complicates these analyses is that South Africa, an 'economic giant' on the African continent, is dependent on the water resources of the politically and economically weaker, landlocked Lesotho. In consideration of South Africa's dependence on Lesotho's water, the relationship can be regarded as an interdependent relationship. The concept of interdependence and the theory of complex interdependence provide some theoretical basis from which to analyse the 'web of interactions' between the two countries. While apartheid South Africa was regarded as the quintessential realist actor, the post-apartheid government aimed to shed the skin of its predecessor's hegemonic pursuits in southern Africa. Post-apartheid South Africa has faced criticism as a nation-state that has unilaterally manipulated Lesotho in pursuit of maintaining its national interest, reducing the values of transfers from dependence factors. While the relationship may be characterised as asymmetrical interdependence, the nature of the relationship is not entirely the same as in the post-apartheid era. Each factor of dependence needs to be reflected on in order to shed light on the historical and current contexts that shows that the likelihood of interdependence would be sustained. South Africa's role should not be perceived merely in terms of power manipulation, but also in terms of factors of benevolence and cooperation that have changed the nature of the relationship between the two countries. In addition, there are factors not determined by South Africa that help to maintain the politically and economically fragile position of Lesotho.
- ItemOpen AccessAssessing changing relations between the Russian Federation and South Africa(2015) Daniel, Omaduore Rosaline; Smith, KarenThis study aims to assess how Russia's relations with South Africa have changed since the end of the Cold War. The study draws on social constructivism as a theoretical framework to show that the ideals and beliefs of the Russian Federation as a great power have not disappeared with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The West seeks to set the terms of Russia's engagement in international relations, but Russia is certain about its belief in taking its rightful place in global affairs. The study argues that Africa provides a source of economic expansion for Russia. Moreover, South Africa, as a significant economic and political actor in the continent that subscribes to similar ideals, can help Russia to reassert its status as a major world power. The study traces voting patterns of Russia and South Africa within the UN Security Council, and discusses opportunities in the BRICS forum (spanning four continents) for bilateral economic engagement. Collaboration with South Africa in the Security Council and in BRICS, it is argued, helps Russia to assume a more global role, and also ascribes a level of international prestige to both Moscow and Pretoria. The dissertation concludes that economic and geopolitical necessity is the main reason for changing relations between Russia and South Africa since the Soviet era.
- ItemOpen AccessAssessing the African mobile telephony boom : the impact of the mobile phone and its relationship to the digital divide(2008) Comninos, Alex; Schrire, RobertThis dissertation provides an overview of the boom in mobile telephony in Africa, experienced in terms of exceptional and increasing subscriber growth. It provides a description of the mobile telephony boom, as well as its social political and economic impacts. It investigates what effect mobile telephony has had on the bridging of a broader digital divide, conceived of in terms of inequalities in access to information and communication technologies between Africa and the rest of the world, as well within Africa itself. It concludes that the boom in mobile telephony has had far-reaching impacts on the continent at all levels of African society. In particular, mobile phones have had a significant economic impact on the continent, which the author argues has been from the bottom up -affecting greatly the base of the economic pyramid and the informal sector. Mobile telephony has however not made a significant impact in the bridging of the digital divide conceived of in terms of access to the internet. A broader digital divide still exists which mobile telephony may not provide the tools to bridge.
- ItemOpen AccessAu Norm Import in the European Promotion of Regional Integration in Africa(2020) Arfsten, Antonia; Akokpari, JohnThe relation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) is the most institutionalised interregional relationship in the world. The EU, being a crucial external agent in African regional integration, exports open regionalism as a political norm through different mechanisms to the AU. Based on a qualitative research design with a constructivist theoretical viewpoint that regards regional organisations as interdependent political authorities, the dissertation examines the AU's receptivity to the EU's attempted norm diffusion and explores genuine AU norm import of European promoted regional integration. A document analysis of official EU and AU declarations and legislation in combination with primary data collected via semi-structured interviews with officials at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa offers further insights into the African perspective on regional integration. Out of a variety of EU norm export channels, the study identifies capacity-building in the form of technical and financial assistance as most influential in promoting African regional integration processes. While coercion and political dialogue respectively lead to AU resistance and decoupling alias theatre regionalism, capacity-building and positive conditionality result in institutional incorporation and policy changes. A choice-oriented approach traces this genuine norm import in response to civilian norm diffusion mechanisms back to the external agency of the EU, despite major constraints like the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU and alternative interregional options within the alliance of emerging market economies. Yet, the limited traceable AU institutional and policy reforms reveal the agency of the AU. Norm import cannot be taken for granted; it only occurs when sufficient incentives are offered to the receiving side. Political dialogue is inspirational, but needs to be supplemented with financial and technical assistance to yield genuine norm import. These findings contribute to a better understanding of prospective EU-AU relations and can be used by policy-makers to adjust interregional negotiations like the on-going post-Cotonou consultations.
- ItemOpen AccessBoko Haram : an African insurgency(2016) Kristensen, Klaus Stig; Seegers, AnnetteBoko Haram emerged as an independent group in Nigeria in the early 2000s and has since begun an insurgency, primarily operating in the northeastern region of Nigeria and increasingly further south and across the country's borders. Researchers have conducted numerous studies analyzing the causes of the insurgency. However few have compared it to other insurgencies in Nigeria or Africa. This thesis analyzes the causes behind Boko Haram's operations by drawing on the main debates within the literature on causes of insurgency in Africa. This analysis demonstrates how the academic literature on insurgency in Africa highlights important causes of Boko Haram's insurgency, but it also identifies gaps in the literature. One of the most important findings of the thesis is that religion can be a dominate cause of conflict. I argue that one of the main causes of Boko Haram's insurgency is the political competition over various issues between Nigerian Islamic organizations and political organizations. The most recent examples are the implementation of Sharia law across many of the states in northern Nigeria coupled with elite mobilization of youth groups affiliated with mosques. The role of religion as a cause of Boko Haram´s insurgency should not however be exaggerated as specific state weaknesses, especially a weak security apparatus, caused by democratization have also been one of the significant causes.
- ItemOpen AccessThe Bretton Woods School of Development communication as an 'agent' of modernisation in Sub-Saharan Africa(2008) Van Zyl, Jeanri-Tine; Akokpari, JohnA literature study invetigating the role of communication within the Bretton Woods School of Development Communication as an agent to achieve social and economical change in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study presents social and economic change as intended outcomes of modernisation as supported by this school of thought. It grapples with Western modernisation discourse that was advanced by Bretton Woods institutions as well as the instruments of communication (media) applied to achieve the intended developmental outcomes. It suggests that the presumed lack of modernisation in Sub-Saharan Africa is based on subjective development criteria and the applicability of ineffective communication and governance methods that failed to consider the region's cultural and socio-economic diversity. In a postmodern world, the study suggests that there should be a gradual move away from the Bretton Woods School of Development Communication-thought and that the focus should rather be to enable the region to establish communication, development and governance models that are African in character.
- ItemOpen AccessChange and the nation-state in the European Union(2006) Haastrup, Adetoun A A; Schrire, RobertThe advent of the European Union has necessitated an adaptation on the part of governments, especially in those areas where the Community's laws supersede the national laws. The process whereby the Union affects the state has been characterised as ' Europeanisation.' This paper examines the adaptation in certain policy areas, not of policy itself, but at changes in the decision-making mechanisms that accompany membership in Union. It focuses on change in foreign policy mechanisms in Britain and Sweden, both unique case studies because of their histories. I argue that changes in foreign policy mechanisms reflect a change in the construct of the state itself given the delicacy of this particular policy area. Because foreign policy making remains within the ambit of respective member states, with the CFSP, the second pillar of the Maastricht treaty, encouraging, at best coordination by states, without imposing supranationality, foreign policy coordination in the European Union is mostly an intergovernmental affair. The changes in decision-making mechanisms however, has jeopardised the accepted notion of sovereignty in EU states as Sweden battles to retain her neutrality identity and Britain struggles to keep its Atlantic alliance intact while being part of Europe. Moreover, although the present changes have not removed foreign policy within the Union from intergovernmental level, that position too is fast changing. It is too early to say that the CFSP or the CESDP will supersede national foreign policy, and possibly, for a long time it would not; however, the new mechanisms in place allow for change in this aspect of the Union. In essence, as national foreign policy mechanisms evolve to accommodate membership, the CFSP too is adapting to the influence of the states and in the final analysis has the most potential to shape the future of the Union.
- ItemOpen AccessCompetition and cooperation on the Nile River: a contemporary analysis of Ethiopian - Egyptian relations(2016) Kazickas, Annalina; Stephan, HarryIn the past decade, Ethiopia has seen unprecedented economic growth as a result of its efforts to eradicate poverty through sustainable development. Ethiopia's recent construction of the 6,000 MW Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam along the Blue Nile, a major tributary to the transboundary Nile River, supports these efforts. Despite objections from Ethiopia's downstream riparian, Egypt, construction has continued, indicating that as Ethiopia establishes itself as a rising power in the Horn of Africa, Egyptian hegemony will be increasingly challenged. Ethiopia's quest for energy sufficiency to support its development is disrupting the region's historic balance of power as well as relations among the Nile Basin countries. In particular, relations between Ethiopia and Egypt have become increasingly complex. This thesis will argue that the shifting balance of power has provided for the development of a gesellschaft society that will continue to support regional stability.
- ItemOpen AccessConstructive engagement in the interest of regional peace a critical reexamination of U.S. mediation in Southern Africa, 1981-1989(2021) Leslie, Alexis; Jolobe, ZwelethuThis dissertation reexamines the negotiation process mediated by the U.S. that occurred between parties representing Angola, Cuba, Namibia, and South Africa during the 1980's. It presents the U.S. policy of constructive engagement ('81- '89) as a contributing factor in the mitigation of regional conflicts in Southern Africa. It reexamines whether the guiding principles of the mediation strategy effectively led to the Cuban withdrawal from Angola and the independence of Namibia. In addition, it looks at how constructive engagement created a regional climate for peace through the mitigation of these interconnected conflicts which significantly contributed to South Africa's transition away from apartheid. The central question of the dissertation is, did constructive engagement foster a regional climate for peace in Southern Africa, defined by the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, the independence of Namibia, and a path towards South African democratization? There are three sub questions: (I) what were constructive engagements techniques and guiding principles? (II) why did the Reagan administration pursue the strategy; and (III) was constructive engagement a successful international conflict mediation strategy? To answer these questions, this dissertation will employ relevant literature to produce general principles of constructive engagement. It will use William Zartman and Saadi Touval's classifications of third-party mediators in international conflict in addition to Vincente Tome's staged model of the negotiation process. In this respect, this dissertation is an interpretative case study. This dissertation argues that constructive engagement is an effective conflict mediation strategy that made a significant impact on the propensity for peace in Southern Africa on several fronts. It aims is to reconsider the overwhelmingly negative opinion of U.S. intervention in Southern Africa throughout international relations discourse. It produces a piece of literature that explores the positive impact of the mediation strategy of constructive engagement as a driver for Southern African regional peace and subsequently a contributing factor in the end of apartheid.
- ItemOpen AccessContinuity and Change in Botswana’s Democracy: An Assessment of the Presidency(2014) Modungwa, Boikanyo Gaone; Modungwa, Boikanyo GaoneThis study presents an analysis of the presidency in Botswana from 1966 to 2013. It explores the character of presidential power, how that power has been used since 1966 and how the presidency has changed over the past five decades. The paper traces the constitutional, institutional and external and internal socio-political dynamics that have facilitated the centralisation of power in the presidency. It further explores the relationship between the presidency and institutions established to deepen Botswana's democracy. Lastly, it explores each President's tenure. It concludes that the presidency remains an impediment to deeper democracy in Botswana.