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  1. Home
  2. Browse by Author

Browsing by Author "Smith, Karen"

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    Assessing changing relations between the Russian Federation and South Africa
    (2015) Daniel, Omaduore Rosaline; Smith, Karen
    This study aims to assess how Russia's relations with South Africa have changed since the end of the Cold War. The study draws on social constructivism as a theoretical framework to show that the ideals and beliefs of the Russian Federation as a great power have not disappeared with the collapse of the Soviet Union. The West seeks to set the terms of Russia's engagement in international relations, but Russia is certain about its belief in taking its rightful place in global affairs. The study argues that Africa provides a source of economic expansion for Russia. Moreover, South Africa, as a significant economic and political actor in the continent that subscribes to similar ideals, can help Russia to reassert its status as a major world power. The study traces voting patterns of Russia and South Africa within the UN Security Council, and discusses opportunities in the BRICS forum (spanning four continents) for bilateral economic engagement. Collaboration with South Africa in the Security Council and in BRICS, it is argued, helps Russia to assume a more global role, and also ascribes a level of international prestige to both Moscow and Pretoria. The dissertation concludes that economic and geopolitical necessity is the main reason for changing relations between Russia and South Africa since the Soviet era.
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    A 'Brazilian way'?: characteristics and challenges of Brazil's development assistance in Africa
    (2016) Rasconi, Davide; Smith, Karen
    Brazil development cooperation in Africa has been increasing significantly since the beginning of the new millennium. This paper examines both characteristics and challenges of such cooperation, with regards to the centuries-old linkages that tie the two shores of the Atlantic and the historical impact that Africa has had on Brazil. The main focus is on development cooperation in the continent after Lula's election in 2003, highlighting both domestic and international factors that allowed this cooperation to rapidly increase, while analysing the ongoing Brazilian crisis undermining it. The final consideration is that Brazil's development cooperation is characterized by the duality of national interests on one side, where it is seen as an important tool of foreign policy, and its humanitarian aspect together with the empowerment of local populations on the other. This paper concludes by arguing that a 'Brazilian way', indeed, exists.
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    Chinese and Norwegian foreign aid approaches to sub-Saharan Africa: a comparative analysis
    (2013) Eyde, S; Smith, Karen
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    The elephant in the room: The rise and role of India in the climate change negotiations
    (2016) Coetzee, Kim; Winkler, Harald; Smith, Karen
    The climate change negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change have been ongoing since the first conference of the parties in 1995. Twenty years on there has been little progress reducing greenhouse gas emissions, the climate regime is in a state of flux and the role of developing countries therein is changing. During this period the majority of the work on climate change from within the International Relations discipline has been framed in a neoliberal institutionalist or neorealist frame. Studies in the climate policy canon have been predominantly similarly located, albeit implicitly. In its focus on India this dissertation provides a bridge between the climate policy literature and the theoretically framed climate change policy studies in the International Relations literature. This dissertation employs the Critical International Relations theoretical framework of Robert Cox. His theory outlines a 'framework for action' that enables and constrains how states act, and how they conceive of their agency. This framework, or historical structure, is created by a particular configuration of the forces exerted by ideas, institutions, and material capabilities, which when aligned, create a hegemonic historical structure. In the climate negotiations, India has been a vocal proponent of the ideas of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities from the earliest days of the Convention. India's changing material circumstances and geo-political status in the past decade raised the question of its role in the regime in relation to its long-supported ideas. This is a qualitative case study using documentary evidence triangulated with interview data from a range of key Indian stakeholders. I found that in the transition from abstract principle to operational precept the intersubjective idea of addressing climate change did not transmute into an intersubjectively shared idea of differentiation. Furthermore, once the idea of differentiation was to be operationalised in the negotiations, its primacy, indeed its very "intersubjectiveness", was contested by the idea of symmetry of obligations and responsibility. The ongoing regime flux is the outcome of this contestation between ideas held collectively by groups, as no stabilising hegemonic historical structure has been created. India's emergence has been insufficient to reinstate differentiation as an intersubjectively held idea and it is thus unable to secure a hegemonic historical structure in favour of differentiation.
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    The global financial crisis and its implications for global financial governance
    (2012) Flanagan, Gerald; Smith, Karen
    This thesis explores how the global financial crisis (GFC) has impacted on the distribution of power within the international financial architecture (IFA). In order for us to be able to study the effects of economic power there must be some way in which we measure it or identify its presence. Traditionally this has been done by measuring national gross domestic product (GDP) as the best indicator of market size. In light of the shifts in global economic power - evidenced through the rise of the emerging powers, and exacerbated by the global financial crisis, this study seeks to assess whether the global financial crisis has affected the relevance of market size, liquidity and the current account as economic power indicators in the international financial architecture.
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    Handbook of Africa's International Relations
    (2014) Smith, Karen
    Africa has been, and continues to be, marginalised in both the practice and study of international relations (IR). However, in light of the increased influence of the emerging powers on the continent, and Africa’s improved pro- spects for economic growth and develop- ment, in recent years there has been a renewed interest in its role in the international system. This book responds to what the editor calls ‘the emerging political prominence of the African con- tinent on the world stage’ (1) by providing one of the most comprehensive overviews of Africa’s IR to date.
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    IBSA's role in international peace and security: a look from within the United Nations
    (2014) Long, Abigail; Smith, Karen
    In 2011, three democratic emerging powers, India, Brazil, and South Africa served as non-permanent members of the United Nations (UN) Security Council. This was the same year that civil wars in both Libya and Syria erupted. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, this paper examines the involvement of India, Brazil, and South Africa through looking at their statements, actions, and votes made within the UN context. The qualitative section focuses almost exclusively on the statements and actions. The quantitative section builds on the qualitative section by analyzing the votes made within the UN General Assembly, the UN Human Rights Council, and the UN Security Council using factor analysis and crosstabulation. My results show that India, Brazil, and South Africa, despite their limited joint diplomatic institutionalization, presented an impressive degree of coordination, meriting them consideration as players within the international peace and security community.
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    The impact of private international donor foundations on sexual and reproductive health organisations in South Africa
    (2014) Kuhnert, Kira-Leigh; Smith, Karen
    Foundations can subtly redefine or steer organisations in a desired direction, through either bureaucratic 'cherry-picking' the organisations that they want to work with - which could be solicited to submit funding proposals;; or over-time professionalising the organisation and providing capacity-building and skills development, placing the organisation in a new context (Bartley;; 2007: 229). Recent actions by bilateral and independent donors to downsize or withdraw funding from South African civil society, has resulted in the closure of some non-governmental organisations, and placed financial pressure on whole sectors in civil society. These developments have created a renewed interest into the funding relationships and impact of donors on non-governmental organisations, and the issues that they represent. This thesis focuses on philanthropic foundations and how, through their operating procedures, they impact grantee organisations and more broadly non-governmental organisations within a specific sector. By understanding the way independent donors, through their foundations, operate and disburse funding, one can gain insight into how relationships with grantees develop and donors are able to influence the agenda-setting. This thesis provides an overview of philanthropy and the impact it has had on the sexual and reproductive health sector in South Africa, in particular. In so doing, a brief background on the funding history by independent and bilateral donors to South Africa is given. This highlights a close relationship between civil society and foreign based funders. The historical reliance by civil society on independent donors, and the small pool of donors active in funding to sexual and reproductive health rights creates an environment in which organisations that are operating in the sector are influenced by the direction and mission of the donor foundations.
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    India's Identity and its Global Aspirations
    (Taylor & Francis, 2012) Smith, Karen
    This article engages with the question whether India’s identity predisposes it to playing a specific international role, in particular one which promotes the redistribution of power and wealth in the international system. This is done by exploring emerging and competing identity constructions and perspectives on the role that India should play in the world. It is argued that the liberal or pragmatic view, which advocates working within the prevailing global order and integration with the global economy in order to advance India’s economic performance, is currently dominant. At the same time, however, it is contended that India has numerous identities that are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and which lead to what has been called India’s foreign policy ambiguity. Four possible explanations for this ambiguity are proposed, namely: mimicry versus differentiation; reluctant radicalism; strategic moral posturing; and differentiation across issue areas. The article concludes that the Indian state is predominantly concerned about its own position in the global order, and less so about the plight of the developing world, but that global redistribution may well be a by-product of India’s foreign policy.
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    International Relations in South Africa: A Case of ‘Add Africa and Stir’?
    (Taylor & Francis, 2013) Smith, Karen
    This article presents a reflection on the state of the discipline of International Relations (IR) in South Africa, focusing specifically on questions about its theoretical content and ‘Africanness’. The country’s unique history continues to have a significant impact on the development of the discipline and the type of research conducted, with security and foreign policy remaining the core of the field. It is contended that, despite significant advancements over the past decade, the discipline remains theoretically underdeveloped. The demand of policy relevance that continues to constrain scholars is viewed as one of the main contributing factors to this state of affairs, and is discussed in some detail. While the subject matter of IR in South Africa—both in terms of research and teaching—is predominantly African, the approach—both theoretically and methodologically, remains largely western-centric. South African scholars are challenged to problematise existing understandings of IR and to interrogate the applicability of western-centric concepts and theories to Africa.
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    Leading the African agenda or following the African consensus? South Africa's implementation of the African agenda in the United Nations Security Council
    (2013) McGurk, H; Smith, Karen
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    Opportunities and obstacles to cooperation between the BRICS: A view from South Africa
    (The Brazilian Institute for Social and Economic Analyses, 2015) Smith, Karen; Rodríguez, Maria Elena
    Cooperation between the BRICS states is often framed as being a part of new forms of South-South Cooperation (SSC). This is clearly problematic, given the presence of Russia, which is neither geographically nor historically part of the Global South, and China, which sufers from schizophrenia when it comes to its identity as part of the developing world. In spite of this, South-South rhetoric is used by both policymakers and scholars when referring to BRICS. This needs to be problematized as it suggests a particular kind of cooperation – diferent from traditional North-South cooperation. The idea of SSC tends to evoke a positive image of solidarity between developing countries through the exchange of resources, technology, and knowledge. This is intended to shift the international balance of power and help developing nations break away from aid dependence and achieve true emancipation from former colonial powers – with the underlying assumption that it is always mutually benefcial (mutual beneft being one of the principles of SSC identifed by the UN ofce for SSC).
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    Pragmatic internationalism: public opinion on South Africa's role in the world
    (Taylor & Francis (Routledge), 2015) van der Westhuizen, Janis; Smith, Karen
    This report of a public opinion survey on South Africa’s foreign policy did not attempt to gauge South Africans’ knowledge about specific issues in international politics, but rather their underlying attitudes, specifically their foreign policy postures. After providing a brief overview of the scholarly debates about the role of public opinion in foreign policy analysis, we contextualise the nature and methodological approach of the survey. Thereafter we organise the article according to three key themes that illuminate ‘ordinary’ South Africans’ foreign policy postures and how South Africans view their country’s international identity. These themes include, first, debates about what the purpose of our foreign policy should be; second, the country’s international role; and third, who South Africans consider to be our allies and role models. Finally, we distil possible patterns emerging from the survey into a posture that we relate to two concepts: ‘pragmatic internationalism’, and a ‘middle power role’.
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    Problematising the diffusion of LGBTI rights in Africa : the case of Malawi.
    (2013) Mugo, Tiffany; Smith, Karen
    African countries have increasingly come under fire for the maltreatment of homosexuals by those within the state and society. The region is rife with instances of homophobia manifesting themselves in acts of discrimination or even violence. In response to this international actors have sought to urge African countries to protect the rights of sexual minorities. However, the endeavour has proved somewhat unsuccessful as African nation states continue to resist the diffusion of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual, Intersex (LGBTI) norm. This study seeks to highlight the gaps within the Norm Life Cycle model as developed by Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink by exploring the difficulties faced in diffusing the LGBTI norm into Malawi. The rejection of the LGBTI norm by Malawians at societal level shows an impediment to norm diffusion that is not considered by the Norm Cycle model. The case of Malawi illustrates the limitations of the model and, in turn, the need for a lens that takes into consideration the specificities at the local level. This dissertation shows that there is a need to analyse the ‘norm takers’ – one must take into account the variances between nation states in terms of such facets as culture, tradition and identity. It will utilise the rejection of the norm by Malawian society to argue for a more localised understanding of norm diffusion.
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    R2P and the Protection of Civilians: South Africa’s Perspective on Conflict Resolution
    (2015-03) Smith, Karen
    This briefing provides an overview of the South African government’s position on the protection of civilians within the context of the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P) framework. As South Africa lacks a clearly articulated policy on R2P, any discussion on its position is based on inferences drawn from actions taken in recent years. While South Africa was a supporter of R2P in the run-up to the 2005 UN World Summit, its conduct while serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) raised questions about its continued commitment to the framework. South Africa is committed to the principle of the protection of civilians, although it favours a multi-layered, moderate approach to implementing R2P, focusing on con ict prevention and resolution through dialogue and engagement. Overall, the tensions and apparent contradictions in South Africa’s position on R2P are consistent with the broader tensions in its foreign policy.
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    The relationship between norms and hegemony : exploring international drug prohibition over the last 100 years
    (2015) Sweenie, Kaitlin Elizabeth; Smith, Karen
    It is just over fifty years since the United Nations adopted the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (1961), explicitly proscribing the manufacturing of, trade in, and use of narcotics for anything but scientific and medicinal purposes. Today, the 1961 agreement, alongside the similarly-focused 1971 and 1988 UN Conventions remain the bases of the international drug control regime despite the continuously high rates of drug use, trade, and production that remain worldwide. Taking due cognizance of these inconsistencies, the present study seeks to examine how the system of international drug control developed over the past century and, through this, why it is that prohibition continues to be the international community's primary response to the 'drug issue'. Methodologically, the study applies two distinct analytical frameworks. The first framework applied - Kathryn Sikkink and Martha Finnemore's constructivist norm life-cycle model - systematically traces the evolution of the norm of prohibition over time and helps identify the main causal mechanisms at work in each stage of the norm's life. While the model is successful in regards to these aforementioned aspects, however, the research also shows the model does not adequately examine the role of power in international norm dynamics. The model, more specifically, does not discuss how existing power relations can help sustain a norm's livelihood long past its (perceived) effectiveness. Additionally, it is also shown through this application that prohibition did not develop in the exact manner the model suggests it would, but became institutionalised only in its final, internalisation phase instead of its emergent phase. In this manner, the second theoretical framework - that of Robert Cox's critical theory - is consequently introduced to address the life cycle's limitations. By applying Cox's ideas on hegemony - herein understood as a fit between material power, ideas, and institutions - the study demonstrates how the hegemony of (primarily) the United States (US) has always and continues to play a leading role in supporting the norm of international drug prohibition today. The study concludes with some final notes about further research and the possibilities for change.
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    "Soft power efforts, hard power gains" : India's economic diplomacy towards Africa using Nigeria and Kenya as examples
    (2016) Brown, Lisa Carrin; Smith, Karen
    Economic diplomacy and commercial diplomacy as soft power tools plays an increasingly significant role in the enhancement of national economic goals and enhanced economic relations between countries. Economic diplomacy is carried out by a government to support its foreign policy goals or diplomacy (or both) by using a wide range of economic and diplomatic tools. The impact of diplomatic efforts to enhance economic relations can be measured through the growth of bilateral trade and FDI over a period of time, as well as the removal of trade barriers and increased cooperation in international organisations like the World Trade Organization. "Foreign policy is the outcome of economic policy, and until India has properly evolved her economic policy, her foreign policy will be rather vague.." -­ Jawaharlal Nehru India's foreign policy has increasingly become a function of its economic policy, and economic goals. As these goals have expanded to focus on different regions across the world, India's economic diplomacy toolkit has expanded to allow for the participation of more actors, in various arenas. No longer can India rely solely on the soft power it derives from a shared history and shared foreign policy principles. With bilateral and multilateral economic cooperation expanding across the globe, there is increasing pressure on countries to harvest both soft, hard and smart power efforts to build relations that serve their domestic economic and foreign policy goals. This thesis examines the concept and practice of economic diplomacy as it relates to India and Africa. While the existing literature on the subject is extensive, it is lacking in the analysis of country-­level exploratory studies, and comparisons on a regional level across the African continent. More specifically, it serves as an attempt to demonstrate the nuanced nature of India's economic diplomacy efforts in Africa. This study examines aspects of the economic diplomacy of India as it relates to Nigeria and Kenya, with the aim of investigating how different economic diplomacy efforts have translated into strengthened economic relations and benefits. These efforts are measured through the contribution of both state activities by the Ministry of External Affairs, and non-­state entities such as business organisations and the diaspora. These benefits are measured in the study through trade flows and foreign direct investment data. The discussion makes the conclusion that economic diplomatic efforts between strong regional economies can translate into enhanced trade and investment relations, and that India's efforts in this regard can be considered nuanced and vastly different in different regions in Africa.
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    South Africa and the Responsibility to Protect: From champion to sceptic
    (SAGE Publications, 2016) Smith, Karen
    This article provides an overview of the South African government’s evolving position on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). While the country was an advocate of R2P in the run-up to the 2005 United Nations (UN) World Summit and the related idea of non-indifference in Africa, its conduct while serving as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and subsequent developments have raised questions about its continued commitment to these principles. In particular, Resolution 1973 (2011) on Libya proved to be a turning point. It is argued that while South Africa continues to support the broad idea of civilian protection, it is in favour of a consultative, regional approach and has become increasingly critical of what it views as the selective application and militarisation of the R2P. In trying to make sense of the apparent contradictions in South Africa’s position, it is necessary to situate the debate against the background of broader tensions in its foreign policy, particularly around the promotion of human rights. These, in turn, are linked to divergent and multiple foreign policy identities that the post-apartheid state is still coming to terms with.
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    South Africa's foreign policy and the domestic developmental agenda
    (2023) Sachikonye, Tawanda; Smith, Karen; Butler Anthony
    This thesis seeks to explore to what extent the domestic developmental agenda (DDA) informs the formulation of South African foreign policy with regards to national development priorities. The DDA does not refer to a formally agreed consensus-based national agenda; instead, it is used in this study to denote a tacit collective understanding at the national level that the post-apartheid South African state must promote socioeconomic development. Post-apartheid South Africa's intensive prioritisation of national development as underpinned by the DDA has had a significant impact on not only domestic economic development policies since 1994, but on South Africa's foreign policy and international relations as well; thereby highlighting how the policybased prioritisation of economic development domestically has been transmitted to both foreign policy formulation and external economic strategy approaches (via economic diplomacy and international trade). Noting the constructivist notion that state identity fundamentally shapes state interests and actions, this study examines how South Africa's post-apartheid identity and the values or aspirations relating to economic development have impacted on foreign policy formulation. The urgency and prioritisation of the DDA has compelled South African state elites in both the governing party and national government to prioritise economic development as the overriding national goal across all public policy streams (foreign policy included). The prioritisation of the DDA is also an outcome of the South African state's ideational identification and projection of what the South African government, and scholars have termed the “Democratic Developmental State” identity. In this regard South African governing elites since 1994 have strived to identify themselves as development champions motivated by a consistent aspiration to realise far-reaching national developmental objectives relating to inequality, joblessness, and poverty. This robust state identification process has consequently shaped the South African state's economic and foreign policies, gradually instilling them with developmental tenets. The Democratic Developmental State identity adopted by the post-apartheid South African state (with widespread national support) and informed by the DDA, has undoubtedly ensured the emergence of a development-oriented foreign policy; and in this regard it provides a sturdy “launch pad” for foreign policy implementation with regards to national development priorities. However, even though it is evident that there is a tangible link between the national development agenda and foreign policy formulation, this study finds that the connection between domestic developmental aspirations (as informed by the DDA) and external policy has not resulted in the establishment of an effective and coordinated policy framework that effectually supports a development oriented foreign policy. This is due to intense (ideological) domestic contestations around the economic development policy framework which should inform the DDA.
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    South Africa's role in the world: A public opinion survey
    (2013-12) van der Westhuizen, Janis; Smith, Karen
    Over the last fifteen years, South African foreign policy has been subject to tumultuous twists and turns, as the immediate post-1994 ‘honeymoon period’ with its remarkable enunciation of a human rights centred foreign policy increasingly gave way to processes reflecting greater complexity. South Africa emerged as a leading spokesperson for the global South and, at the same time, increasingly had to assert its African identity. These factors, as well as the usual rough-and-tumble of realpolitik in daily diplomacy, slowly eroded the premium placed on human rights under the vanguard of the Mandela presidency. In short, South African policymakers are often hard pressed and face trenchant critiques for failing to strike a balance between material demands and normative constraints. These material demands usually entail dealing with divergent constituencies clamouring for domestic expectations of redistribution on the one hand and market-led demands on the other; whilst normative constraints involve having to seek a compromise between cosmopolitanism and pan-Africanism on the other.
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