Browsing by Author "Giliomee, Hermann"

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    Eighteenth Century Cape Society and its Historiography: Culture, Race, and Class
    (Taylor & Francis, 1983) Giliomee, Hermann
    The revisionist literature of the 1970s approached social stratification in South Africa with the insistence that proper 'weighting' of the race and class factors should occur. Arguing that class and not racial consciousness was the key determinant of social structure in pre-industrial South Africa, it concluded that eighteenth century Cape society in certain areas of the colony was characterised by greater fluidity than the caste system of the AmericanSouth or industrialised South Africa. George Fredrickson's comparative analysis of American and South African history rejects the first mentioned approach but agrees with the conclusion. This article argues that Fredrickson erred by characterising Cape society as being largely based on class and a permeable colour line. The extent to which Cape Town or frontier society can be categorised as such was limited,while the agrarian Western Cape, in terms of manumission rates and the incidence of mixed marriages, was one of the most rigid caste societies in the world.The article concludes by observing that only by studying how political and class relationships reinforced each other can the full complexity of eighteenth century Cape society be revealed.
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    The other two Houses : the first five years of the Houses of Representatives and Delegates
    (1989) Behrens, Gerd; Giliomee, Hermann
    Defying widespread predictions, the tricameral Parliament not only continues to function but, after five years, has become an integral part of the political realities in South Africa. This thesis is concerned with an assessment of the dynamics of the new dispensation in general and the role played by the Houses of Representatives and Delegates in particular. It evaluates the implications of the new dispensation for the government, participants in government created, racially segregated bodies and the extra-Parliamentary opposition. In addition, it synthesizes empirical data and theory by applying concepts of ethnicity and by reviewing the tricameral system in the light of the theoretical discussions on consociation and "control". The general elections of September 1989 have been used as a cut-off point for this study because the poll amongst Coloureds and Indians provides an opportunity to observe the effects of the performance of the "other" two Houses. Although it is too early for an exhaustive evaluation of the tricameral system, three preliminary conclusions can be drawn. Firstly, despite its failure to gain legitimacy in wider circles, the new dispensation proved to be a qualified success for the government, particularly in so far as it has managed to involve Coloured and Indian participants in the administration of their "own" affairs. Secondly, after an acquiescent start the two new chambers began to utilize the not inconsiderable potential innate to the Constitution of 1983 but failed to bridge the gulf separating them from the mainstream of black opposition. Thirdly, events in and more significantly outside Parliament, seriously undermined the success of the boycott strategy employed by the extra-Parliamentary opposition. While conducting research into apartheid institutions it has become necessary to use official terminology, for example, whites, Coloureds, Indians, Africans. It goes without saying that this does not imply any measure of acceptance of government policy. The methodology of the study is outlined in a brief appendix.
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    Regerings- en sake-elite se persepsies oor die invloed van die Suid-Afrikaanse sakesektor op openbare beleidsformulering
    (1990) Sadie, Aletta Yolanda; Giliomee, Hermann
    In both scholarly and popular literature on the South African business sector, a high premium is commonly placed on the role of business in promoting political reform. This study investigated the perceived extent of such influence on political and socio-political aspects of public policy in the period 1978 to 1989. Using the "elite" and "group" approaches in Political Science as a point of departure, the perceptions of government and business elites in this regard, in particular the perceptions of the Afrikaner business elite, were analysed. Data from the government elite was gathered by means of postal questionnaires, and the business elite's input was obtained via interviews. The government elite's attitude towards, and perceptions of, interest groups were examined in the light of the premise that the latter's influence is largely determined by their legitimacy in the eyes of the decision-makers. These attitudes were established by moving from an assessment of the government elite's general perception of interest groups, to more specific perceptions of, amongst others, the business sector's access to decision-makers, and their perceived influence. The second part of the study primarily focused on the perceptions of the Afrikaner business elite vis-a-vis the influence of the business community on various dimensions of public policy. It was found that the government elite's attitude towards the existence of interest groups was largely dependent on the latter's utility with regard to the implementation and maintenance of policy, via mainly "positive" and "constructive" research. Government perceptions confirmed that several elite groups exercised specific influence on various dimensions of public policy. The Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut (AHI), for example, was found to have the greatest influence on economic policy formulation, whereas the Afrikaner Broederbond and the Dutch Reformed Church exercise more significant influence on socio- political policy than the AHI. Apart from these traditional Afrikaner elite-groups, the "insiders" were found to include those whose economic ideologies, amongst other variables, were reconcilable with those of government Due to the fact that the National Party was compelled to enlarge its power base in the early 1980s, certain English business organisations such as ASSOCOM and the FCI and the black political organization, lnkatha, have to some extent, been included as "insiders" despite divergent political convictions or cultural differences. Both the government elite and the business elite felt, however that the Afrikaner businessmen and their organizations still retained the decisive influence on aspects of economic and socio-political decision-making. With regard to political decision-making, that is the forms of state, government and authority, the business elite did not express a desire to have a role in this arena. The government elite, on the other hand, was prepared to grant the business sector a role in this regard, on the condition that business input exercised a reactive legitimising role to their policy, rather than initiating change.
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    Surrender without Defeat: Afrikaners and the South African "Miracle"
    (MIT Press, 1997) Giliomee, Hermann
    During the final months of the 1980s one of the last developments that pundits would have predicted for South Africa was that the ruling Afrikaner group would give up power more or less voluntarily, to be replaced by a stable, inclusive democracy. Over the longer run the more common prediction for the country was that of a low-level insurgency ending in a full scale civil war and a racial conflagration. For the short to medium term most serious analysts anticipated power shifting from the existing Afrikaner monopoly to an Afrikaner-led, multiracial oligarchy ruling as coercively as the apartheid regime. In 1988, Ken Owen, a respected Liberal editor, commented on the white-black struggle: "Barring massive external intervention I would put my money on any alliance dominated by Afrikaners. They have the capacity to devastate the region and yet to survive".