OpenUCT :: Browsing by Author "Akokpari, John"

Browsing by Author "Akokpari, John"

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Open Access
A Critical Examination of Zambia's Democratic Performance since 1991
(2021) Banda, Mabvuto; Akokpari, John
A qualitative research approach and the reliance to a large extent on existing literature are used in this study to demonstrate Zambia's stagnant position in becoming a true democracy. While the country is seen as a beacon of peace in Africa, reflected in the peaceful transfer of power after elections, police brutality is rampant. Those with divergent views are not spared and suffer at the hands of police using the Public Order Act in instances of ‘breach of peace' and as an excuse for maintaining ‘public order'. Zambia continues to have a poor human rights record, reflected in the perpetration of violence against its citizenry with impunity by government officials and the political elites. Alleged cases of corruption rarely end in convictions despite overwhelming evidence of illegal practices. The Electoral Commission of Zambia and the judiciary are often accused of being biased towards the political establishment. A failure to appear autonomous has not only negatively affected their operations but has created negative perceptions and a loss of public confidence in these critical institutions. This, in turn, has resulted in the further undermining of democracy, as these important agencies are seemingly ineffective in ensuring that Zambia becomes a true democracy.
Open Access
A discursive historical approach (DHA) to understanding South Africa's leadership aspirations in Africa: state exceptionalism and foreign policy under Mandela and Mbeki
(2022) Maposa, Siseko Kwalunga; Akokpari, John
Since the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the state has maintained a “South African Africa destiny” which sees itself as a modernizing and civilizing force in, and the rightful leaders of Africa. What has also been evident, throughout various political leaderships, has been a strong presence of South African exceptionalism which forms a core characteristic of its' national identity (Vale & Maseko, 2002; Mamdani, 1998; Breckenridge, 2004). Leadership foreign policy dispositions and state exceptionalism have persisted through the democratization of the state, forming a core component of post-apartheid state identity and foreign policy in Africa. But how can one understand the relationship between South African exceptionalism and its' continued leadership dispositions in the region? By employing a Discursive Historical Approach (DHA), the thesis investigates the influence of South African exceptionalism on its' foreign policy in Africa under the presidencies of Mandela (1994-1999) and Mbeki (1999-2008). Analysis will identify the discursive origins of South African exceptionalism, assess discursive diachronic changes and (re)productions within the post-apartheid state before drawing upon theoretical in-sight to investigate the impact of state exceptionalism on South African foreign policy in Africa. The thesis finds that firstly, the origins of South African exceptionalism can be discursively traced back to the pronouncements by British political leaders in the South African Union of 1910. Initially, South Africa was argued to be exceptional because of its' geography and in the manner it exercised colonial governance over its' African subjects. Secondly, several post-apartheid discourses of exceptionalism are identified, traced back to the workmanship of new right-intellectuals of the 1990s and their ideas of a multicultural new South Africa. Post-apartheid discourses of exceptionalism relate to: 1) the South African miracle, 2) South Africa: the rainbow people of God, 3) South Africa: the cradle of mankind and 4) South Africa: the gateway to Africa. These discourses construct a South African identity possessing the inter-subjective view that the states' politics, economy and society are more advanced than that of its' neighbouring nations. Lastly, the paper finds that South African exceptionalism must be understood as 1) a discursive construction of South African identity, 2) a role-creator articulating South Africa as leaders and teachers in the region and 3) a framework articulating the nations' model of political and economic organization as something worth exporting elsewhere. At often times, this influences the states' actions in Africa by creating a leadership-orientated foreign policy demeanour.
Open Access
African democracy at a crossroads : structural adjustment, economic crisis and political turbulence in Zimbabwe
(2007) Nyoni, Shuvai Busuman; Akokpari, John
Word processed copy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 70-76).
Open Access
African solutions to African problems : learning from ECOMOG s experiences in Liberia and Sierra Leone
(2008) Mwandumba, Judith Victoria; Akokpari, John
Open Access
Africa’s Quest for Long-Term Development: Does NEPAD Provide the Necessary Policy Framework?
(Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2008) Akokpari, John
The evasive nature which characterizes Africa’s development is something familiar to all. Various ambitious development strategies, implemented since the 1970s, have brought little hope for the reversal of Africa’s developmental malaise. The formulation of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in 2001 and its adoption by the African Union (AU) as the continent’s blueprint policy document for development engendered a lot of optimism. This optimism resulted partly from the willingness of African governments to voluntarily undertake what the continent’s development partners - the G8 - perceived as ‘credible policies’ for resuscitating the ailing economies of the continent, and partly from the promise of assistance in the form of accruing ADE and IDE, debt forgiveness and access to western markets. There is a growing consensus among development experts that the provision of such opportunities would alleviate many of the structural constraints in Africa, consequently catalyzing long-term development. While NEPAD’s emphasis on promoting peace, security, democracy, and good governance is commendable, it is however argued that its propensity to gear development solely along neo-liberal lines is problematic in a continent that is grappling with the disappointments of the market-based structural adjustment programmes (SAP).
Open Access
An analysis of the counterterrorism (CT) and counterinsurgency (COIN) operations employed by African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) to counter the threat of al-Shabaab in Somalia (2007- 2016)
(2018) Ndegwa, Loise W; Akokpari, John
More than ten years after the deployment of the first African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) troops to Mogadishu, it is imperative that an in-depth analysis is conducted to examine whether the troops have reduced the threat of al-Shabaab in Somalia and the region. This analysis is especially important since AMSIOM is the latest attempt to create a stable and strong central government in Somalia since the fall of Said Barre’s regime in 1991. The extremist group, al-Shabaab, has evolved to become the strongest opponent and obstacle to the creation of the Federal Government of Somalia. The main objective of this dissertation is to challenge the definition of success advocated by AMISOM and its allies regarding their progress in Somalia. This study also aims to analyse the effectiveness of the counterterrorism (CT) and counterinsurgency (COIN) operations employed by AMISOM to reduce the threat of al-Shabaab. To analyse the effectiveness of the CT and COIN operations utilised between 2007 and 2016, this paper will contextualise the body-count approach using data collected from African Union (AU) and United Nations (UN) reports and the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) by the University of Maryland. This study concludes that the weak mandate, which prevented the troops from conducting military offensives, and inadequate troop strength during the first phase of the mission (2007-July 2010), provided al-Shabaab with the right environment to evolve from a terrorist group into an insurgency by securing their support both their domestic and international support. Also, AMISOM’s failure to change their tactics and strategy to account for modifications adapted by al-Shabaab during the second and third phases (July 2010 – May 2012 and June 2012 – December 2016) has contributed to their limited success in Somalia. Although the scope of this study does not discuss all possible reasons for the limited success by AMISOM, it contributes to the larger discussion.
Open Access
An Assessment of Ghana-China Relations (2000-2020): Benefits and Challenges to Ghana
(2021) Ayerigah, Theresa; Akokpari, John
Chinese relations with African countries have increased significantly during the last two decades. In recent times, a large number of Chinese nationals have temporarily relocated to parts of the continent to engage in trade, mining and other businesses. The limited to no approach on Sino-African relations has created mixed feelings among Africans and especially scholars. A wide range of academic publications on Sino-African relations in recent times have especially focused on the impact of China on African economies. However, there is scant research on Ghana's partnership with China. The purpose of this study was to examine the challenges and opportunities of Ghana-China relations through the lenses of realism and liberalism as theoretical frameworks. The study adopted a qualitative approach. Data was collected through interviews with purposively selected respondents, along with field observations, archival reviews and relevant literature. The aim was to examine the impact of Chinese relations on Ghana, in the areas of development, governance, trade, aid and investment. A total of 35 respondents participated in the study. These included academics, market women, members of civil society and traditional leaders. The study found that some of the perceptions of ordinary Ghanaians about China were inaccurate and misplaced. However, the study revealed the tension that exists between local communities and Chinese investors. At the governmental level, it was found that the economic and trade relations between Ghana and China have become stronger. However, it was noted that, consistent with China's realist foreign policy orientation, and in spite of China's growing trade, aid and investment in Ghana, Beijing has on the whole enjoyed more benefits than Accra in the relations between the two countries.
Open Access
Analysis of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in community rural development : a study of world vision international (WVI) development interventions in Gwembe district of Zambia
(2007) Michelo, Lawrence Maumbi; Akokpari, John
The study analyses the role of NGOs in rural community development in Africa, with a focus on Gwembe district in Zambia. The 1990s were a turning point in the development practices in Africa. This era saw the emergence of NGOs as a preferred mode of channeling development assistance by the donor community. NGOs were efficient, accountable, and closer to the people. They were able to make the communities own the development process. The state and its bureaucracy was vilified, demonised and condemned as incapable of service delivery to the rural poor. The study used World Vision International Zambia operations and interventions in the Gwembe District. It endeavored to assess the extent to which NGOs have lived up to the development promises of the 1990s. Key to the study was the investigation into whether the communities own the development projects. The study reviewed literature on the emergence of NGOs as important player in development in third world countries. In this review the study learned that the strengths of the NGOs was in that they were community focused, participatory, democratic, community oriented, cost effective and better at reaching the poorest. The major weaknesses of NGOs in Africa come from the fact they are dependent on donor money for their survival. They are a parasite to the poor. They do not care about the causes they champion. They produce low quality returns; they are engulfed in self-obfuscation, spin control and outright lying to justify their works. The NGOs are elite driven and do not care about the poor.
Open Access
An analysis of the heavily indebted poor countries initiative in Uganda
(2011) Radebe, Magcino; Akokpari, John
This mini dissertation analyses the claims that Uganda is the success story of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. Uganda was the first country to qualify for debt relief under this debt management programme, and has a reputation for being able to address its economic and social problems simultaneously. Furthermore, the manner in which Uganda has engaged with civil society has also received praise. Thus, some scholars believe that the country offers a model example for indicating the effectiveness of debt management programmes in general, and the HIPC Initiative in particular. However, other scholars are more critical, claiming that the successes that Uganda has experienced under the HIPC Initiative have been short lived, and have also compounded the country‘s indebtedness. There is therefore a robust debate in the literature regarding this topic as some scholars take a more optimistic view of the impact of the HIPC Initiative in Uganda, and other scholars take a more pessimistic stance. This mini dissertation surveys these contrasting views in the literature, and argues that because the HIPC Initiative failed to deliver the promises that it made Uganda was unable to sustain its achievements under the programme. The dissertation concludes that Uganda is not an HIPC Initiative success story.
Open Access
An analysis of the interdependence within the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Lesotho
(2017) Grimwood, Zahira; Akokpari, John
The main objective of this minor dissertation is to unpack the convoluted bilateral relationship between the Kingdom of Lesotho and the Republic of South Africa. Lesotho's extreme dependence on South Africa is explored in terms of geopolitical dependence, labour migration, the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and royalties accrued from the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). The exhaustive amount of literature that explores these themes of Lesotho's dependence clearly reflects the dominance of South Africa during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras. A factor that further complicates these analyses is that South Africa, an 'economic giant' on the African continent, is dependent on the water resources of the politically and economically weaker, landlocked Lesotho. In consideration of South Africa's dependence on Lesotho's water, the relationship can be regarded as an interdependent relationship. The concept of interdependence and the theory of complex interdependence provide some theoretical basis from which to analyse the 'web of interactions' between the two countries. While apartheid South Africa was regarded as the quintessential realist actor, the post-apartheid government aimed to shed the skin of its predecessor's hegemonic pursuits in southern Africa. Post-apartheid South Africa has faced criticism as a nation-state that has unilaterally manipulated Lesotho in pursuit of maintaining its national interest, reducing the values of transfers from dependence factors. While the relationship may be characterised as asymmetrical interdependence, the nature of the relationship is not entirely the same as in the post-apartheid era. Each factor of dependence needs to be reflected on in order to shed light on the historical and current contexts that shows that the likelihood of interdependence would be sustained. South Africa's role should not be perceived merely in terms of power manipulation, but also in terms of factors of benevolence and cooperation that have changed the nature of the relationship between the two countries. In addition, there are factors not determined by South Africa that help to maintain the politically and economically fragile position of Lesotho.
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Analyzing Thabo Mbeki's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' in the Zimbabwean crisis
(2010) Malimela, Langelihle Phakama; Akokpari, John
This thesis discusses the approach taken by the South African government in response to the political and economic crisis that has gripped neighbouring Zimbabwe since the year 2000. Its aim is to explain why South Africa, under the leadership of Thabo Mbeki, adopted the controversial policy widely referred to as 'Quiet Diplomacy'. It uses a Structuralist approach to international relations, and in particular Immanuel Wallerstein's World Systems Theory to characterise South Africa as a prototypical semi-peripheral state, with a dual-contradictory role in international relations. It argues that post- apartheid South Africa's failure to make genuine progress in terms primarily of economic transformation at home, has significantly constrained her ability to adopt more conventional diplomatic methods in dealing with the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe.
Open Access
Au Norm Import in the European Promotion of Regional Integration in Africa
(2020) Arfsten, Antonia; Akokpari, John
The relation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) is the most institutionalised interregional relationship in the world. The EU, being a crucial external agent in African regional integration, exports open regionalism as a political norm through different mechanisms to the AU. Based on a qualitative research design with a constructivist theoretical viewpoint that regards regional organisations as interdependent political authorities, the dissertation examines the AU's receptivity to the EU's attempted norm diffusion and explores genuine AU norm import of European promoted regional integration. A document analysis of official EU and AU declarations and legislation in combination with primary data collected via semi-structured interviews with officials at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa offers further insights into the African perspective on regional integration. Out of a variety of EU norm export channels, the study identifies capacity-building in the form of technical and financial assistance as most influential in promoting African regional integration processes. While coercion and political dialogue respectively lead to AU resistance and decoupling alias theatre regionalism, capacity-building and positive conditionality result in institutional incorporation and policy changes. A choice-oriented approach traces this genuine norm import in response to civilian norm diffusion mechanisms back to the external agency of the EU, despite major constraints like the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the EU and alternative interregional options within the alliance of emerging market economies. Yet, the limited traceable AU institutional and policy reforms reveal the agency of the AU. Norm import cannot be taken for granted; it only occurs when sufficient incentives are offered to the receiving side. Political dialogue is inspirational, but needs to be supplemented with financial and technical assistance to yield genuine norm import. These findings contribute to a better understanding of prospective EU-AU relations and can be used by policy-makers to adjust interregional negotiations like the on-going post-Cotonou consultations.
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The AU, NEPAD and the Promotion of Good Governance in Africa
(Nordic Association of African Studies, 2004) Akokpari, John
This article argues that good governance has been elusive in much of Africa. The failure of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to address Africa’s developmental challenges, including the crisis of governance, led to its demise. In an attempt to promote good governance, as well as to address Africa’s post-cold war legion of challenges, the successor organisation, the African Union (AU) and its attendant development programme, the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), were established. These projects embody an innovative peer review mechanism by which African governments are assessed in terms of their progress towards good governance. Countries passing the review test would be rewarded with western aid. NEPAD, the AU and the review mechanism have exited hope because of the expectation that these would reorder governance policies in Africa. However, the article contends that in spite of the expectations and euphoria generated by these projects, they have a truncated capacity to induce good governance. This is not only due to the intrinsic contradictions in these initiatives, but also because of a confluence of factors, including the vulnerability of the projects to manipulation by African leaders, the preponderance of neo- patrimonial politics in Africa, the confusing relations between especially NEPAD and the AU, and the tendency for the G8 – Africa’s key partners – to renegade from their initial aid commitments.
Open Access
Beyond the rhetoric: a theoretical analysis of the effects of neopatrimonialism and intergovernmentalism on the integration process in Africa
(2014) Duthie, Shawn; Akokpari, John
The Organization of African Unity marked its 50th anniversary in 2013 and, despite the shift to the African Union and continued rhetoric from African leaders about the need for further integration, the progress towards the goal of economic and political integration has been ineffective. This thesis shows that integration has been ineffective in Africa namely because of the lack of political will to push integration further. The reason for this is the prevalence of neopatrimonialism on the continent, which creates a situation where leaders need access to a nation?s resources to remain in power. Economic and political integration will, inevitably, result in a loss of financial or political capital, which will then result in a lack of resources available for the client, who has used these resources to maintain their patronage base. Thus, integration in Africa has progressed slowly, as leaders do what they can to undermine the process while maintaining the appearance of progress. The major option chosen to weaken integration has been to control the institutions of integration run intergovernmentally, rather than transfer some power towards a supranational organisation. Without a transfer of power to a supranational institution, the Regional Economic Communities and African states cannot proceed towards economic, let alone political, integration. The reason for this is that decisions taken in a purely intergovernmental body, such as the African Union, will be of the lowest common denominator, resulting in a slow and ineffective integration. For integration to progress effectively, some powers will first have to be transferred to a supranational institution, which will create more actors that are actively involved in the integration process and make it more difficult for leaders to slow down or stop the move towards African unity.
Open Access
The Bretton Woods School of Development communication as an 'agent' of modernisation in Sub-Saharan Africa
(2008) Van Zyl, Jeanri-Tine; Akokpari, John
A literature study invetigating the role of communication within the Bretton Woods School of Development Communication as an agent to achieve social and economical change in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study presents social and economic change as intended outcomes of modernisation as supported by this school of thought. It grapples with Western modernisation discourse that was advanced by Bretton Woods institutions as well as the instruments of communication (media) applied to achieve the intended developmental outcomes. It suggests that the presumed lack of modernisation in Sub-Saharan Africa is based on subjective development criteria and the applicability of ineffective communication and governance methods that failed to consider the region's cultural and socio-economic diversity. In a postmodern world, the study suggests that there should be a gradual move away from the Bretton Woods School of Development Communication-thought and that the focus should rather be to enable the region to establish communication, development and governance models that are African in character.
Open Access
The Challenges of Diplomatic Practice in Africa
(University of the Free State, 2016-06) Akokpari, John
Diplomacy has been used in the conduct of foreign policies in Africa. However, a disconcerting trend in the practice of diplomacy in Africa is the often limited successes, and sometimes failures, of states and regional organisations in achieving foreign policy objectives. Remarkably, such failures are not only typical of diplomacy targeting external actors, but are equally visible in intra-African diplomacy. By and large the diplomatic skills of Africa are tested mostly during periods of con icts and threats to regional security. In most of these situations, diplomacy has proved to be ine ective in achieving desired outcomes. Consequently, most con icts remain unresolved, while threats to good governance persist. The failures of diplomacy are largely due to a con uence of factors, including the quality of diplomacy and mediators, the pervasiveness of con icts, Africa’s lack of international in uence, its dependence on external actors and consequent lack of assertiveness, as well as Africa’s lack of courage to stand up to errant leaders whose actions threaten good governance and regional security.
Open Access
Cross border trade as a survival strategy in SADC : a study of Zimbabwean women traders
(2007) Moyo, Ntozakhe Mpho; Akokpari, John
This research explores the extent to which Zimbabwean national policies and more broadly SADC affect informal trade and informal traders. Whilst SADC governments claim a desire to fight poverty, the organisation at the same time is pursuing policies that are obstructive to poverty alleviation. This is, for example, reflected in its lack of recognition of informal cross border traders. The thesis argues that one of the reasons explaining this is that SADC lacks an autonomous development strategy; its integration scheme is informed by the European model.
Open Access
Democratic development states in Southern Africa : a study of Botswana and South Africa
(2015) Nagar, Marcel Felicity; Akokpari, John
In light of the growing consensus surrounding the need for the emergence of Democratic Developmental States in Africa, this thesis analyses the concept within the context of two Southern African states: Botswana and South Africa. In this regard, it critically analyses the extent to which Botswana and South Africa can be considered to be Democratic Developmental States by making use five benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State. It does so by firstly exploring and defining the concept and theory of the Developmental State as well as the concept of the Democratic Developmental State. Secondly, the thesis surveys the contributions made by five key authors, namely, Richard Sklar, Adrian Leftwich, Mark Robinson, Gordon White and Omano Edigheji, to the topic of the Democratic Developmental State and outlines the following five benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State: Development-Oriented Political Leadership; Effective and Well-Insulated Economic Bureaucracy; Developmental Success; Consolidated Electoral Democracy; and Popular Participation in the Development and Governance Process. Thirdly, the five benchmarks are used to critically analyse whether Botswana and South Africa can truly be regarded as Democratic Developmental States. In this regard, the thesis finds that neither state fully exhibits all five outlined benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State: While Botswana exemplifies most of the five outlined benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State, this thesis finds that South Africa still has a long to go before it can be regarded as a Democratic Developmental State. In this manner, this thesis provides possible recommendations which will assist both Botswana and South Africa towards becoming fully-fledged Democratic Developmental States.
Open Access
The East African Community (EAC) achievements and challenges since 2001
(2012) Kiprota, Sally Jebet; Akokpari, John
This thesis explores the achievements and challenges of the East African Community (EAC), since its revival. The study while focusing on functionalism as the theoretical concept, examines the progress that the EAC has made towards achieving its goals and objectives, and highlights EAC’s integration challenges. Despite being in its formative stages and facing integration challenges, the five East African countries; namely Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, are fully determined to integrate the region economically, socially and politically.
Open Access
Elected legislatures in sub-saharan Africa: Attitudes of citizens from 18 countries towards legislatures, with a particular focus on Mozambique, its assembly and parliamentarians
(2009) Azevedo, Elisabete; Akokpari, John
Elected multi-party assemblies have existed in Africa on average for no more than two decades. Consolidating democracy and improving the lives of ordinary citizens demands guardian parliaments. Parliaments are comprised predominantly of politicians and, interconnected with citizens and executives, are perceived as core institutions of representative democracies. This dissertation seeks to contribute to a better understanding of African multiparty parliaments and their role in consolidating democracy. The study seeks to comprehend the links between citizens and their elected parliaments in 18 African countries, in the process attempting to predict the prospects of these new democracies. It also focuses on the Assembly of Mozambique to attempt an understanding of the evolution, capacity and functioning of an emerging parliament. The study investigates the perceptions of Mozambican civil leaders toward their parliament, and it looks at the perceptions of Mozambican parliamentarians concerning their roles and their relations with the electorate, and concerning the Assembly’s capacity and powers. This is critical to understanding how democracy has been and will be exercised, since parliamentarians are at the forefront of the process. Each parliament has distinctive characteristics. However, there are common features based on their age and origin. The development of the Mozambican Assembly since the monoparty regime illustrates the challenges and achievements that African parliaments have undergone in the transition to democracy. The findings reveal that African citizens distinguish between presidents and parliaments, which is important given the legacy in Africa of strong executives led by dominant presidents. They also reveal that citizens value the gains made by the multiparty regimes and that parliaments as lawmakers are preferred to presidents. In most countries surveyed, citizens, on average, gave positive evaluations of their parliaments, especially concerning their trustworthiness. Political characteristics outweigh socio-economic status in influencing how citizens perceived parliaments. Party allegiance and perception of electoral fairness are the factors that most influenced how citizens perceived their parliaments. Interviews with Mozambican MPs revealed their frustration over the influence of the Assembly over the national budget. In the MPs’ opinions, direct foreign aid to the budget reduced parliament’s role to that of a rubber stamp, weakening the role of MPs. Mozambican civic leaders saw parliament as an indispensable and critical institution, and they expressed frustration with the extreme party-centricity of MPs, which is perceived as normal by MPs. Distrust between these groups reinforces the sentiment among ruling party members that the party deserves protection. In democracies, MPs from different parties are political opponents and not enemies. In Mozambique, the transition from enemy to adversary is not yet complete. While fragile, parliament has been the only space in Mozambican society where political parties can interact.

Browsing by Author "Akokpari, John"

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